← Israeli–Palestinian conflict

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thumb|Israel, with the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an ongoing dispute between the State of Israel and the Palestinian people. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is part of the wider Arab-Israeli conflict, which is essentially a dispute between two national identities with claims over the same area of land. The roots of the conflict can be traced to the late 19th century, when Zionist Jews expressed their desire to create a modern state in the ancient land of the Israelites, which they considered to be their rightful homeland. To further that objective, the World Zionist Organization encouraged immigration and purchase of land, which was then part of the Ottoman Empire.Mark Tessler. A History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), p. 53. Following World War I and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the region came under the control of the United Kingdom through the League of Nations. In 1947, the United Nations approved the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. The Arab League rejected the plan, but on May 14, 1948, after numerous attempts to partition the landSee Peel Commission, 1947 UN Partition Plan and hostilities,See 1920 Palestine riots, 1929 Palestine riots, Jaffa riots, 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, Palestinian Civil War (1947-1948) Israel declared its independence. Five Arab League countries (Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan and Iraq) invaded Israel, sparking the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Israel captured territory that changed its borders, but left Jerusalem a divided city. In the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel captured the West Bank from Jordan, the Gaza Strip from Egypt, and East Jerusalem including the Old City and its holy sites, which Israel annexed and reunited with the Western neighborhoods of Jerusalem. The status of the city as Israel's capital and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip has remained a source of bitter conflict. For decades after 1948, Arab governments had refused to recognize Israel and in 1964 the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was founded with the central tenet that Palestine, with its original Mandate borders, is the indivisible homeland of the Arab Palestinian people. In turn Israel refused to recognise the PLO as a negotiating partner. In 1988, Yasser Arafat stated that he recognized Israel's right to exist, thus providing the first step needed to enable negotiations between Israel and the PLO. An attempt to broker a 'two state solution', that is the creation of separate Jewish and Palestinian states, was seen in the Oslo peace process, where Israel and the PLO negotiated, unsuccessfully, to come to a mutual agreement. During the Oslo process, which began in 1993, the Palestine Liberation Organization was permitted autonomy to run Palestinian affairs in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in the form of the Palestinian National Authority with the understanding that it would uphold recognition of and mutual co-existence with Israel. However there was continual contention over whether actual events and conditions proved that there was greater acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian leaders"A decade ago, a different Palestinian charter was at the center of controversy. The founding covenant of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), like the one written by Hamas, called for Israel's destruction, though the PLO said that it had embraced the concept of a two-state solution since 1988. Ten years later, during President Clinton's visit to Gaza, a PLO body announced it had annulled the paragraphs calling for Israel's demise." Ilene R. Prusher. Will Hamas change course?, Christian Science Monitor, February 01, 2006. or a commitment by Israel to stop settlement activity in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.http://www.mideastweb.org/map_israel_settlements.htm The vast majority of Israelis and Palestinians, according to all major polls, agree that a two-state solution is the best way to end the conflict.OneVoice FAQ Most Palestinians view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as part of their future state.Dershowitz, Alan. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is the ongoing conflict between Israelis and Palestinians."A History of Conflict: Introduction." BBC News. The conflict is wide-ranging, and the term is also used in reference to the earlier phases of the same conflict, between Jewish and Zionist yishuv and the Arab population living in Palestine under Ottoman or British rule. It forms part of the wider, and generally earlier, Arab–Israeli conflict. The remaining key issues are: mutual recognition, borders, security, water rights, control of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian freedom of movement and legalities concerning refugees. The violence resulting from the conflict has prompted international actions, as well as other security and human rights concerns, both within and between both sides, and internationally. Many attempts have been made to broker a two-state solution, involving the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside an independent Jewish state or next to the State of Israel (after Israel's establishment in 1948). As recently as 2007, a majority of both Israelis and Palestinians, according to a number of polls, prefer the two-state solution over any other solution as a means of resolving the conflict.Yaar, Ephraim and Tamar Hermann."Just another forgotten peace summit." Haaretz. 11 December 2007. Moreover, a considerable majority of the Jewish public sees the Palestinians' demand for an independent state as just, and thinks Israel can agree to the establishment of such a state.Kurtzer, Daniel and Scott Lasensky. "Negotiating Arab-Israeli Peace ..." Google Book Search. 30 January 2009. A majority of Palestinians and Israelis view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as an acceptable location of the hypothetical Palestinian state in a two-state solution.Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005 Most Israelis also accept this solution. A handful of academics advocate a one-state solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a bi-national state with equal rights for all.Israel: The Alternative, The New York Review of Books, Volume 50, Number 16, October 23, 2003Virginia Tilley, The One-State Solution, University of Michigan Press (May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138 Core issues in the conflict as seen by both sides are the future of the remaining Israeli settlements built in the Occupied Territories, the right of return for Palestinian refugees and their descendants, and the status of Jerusalem, along with the refusal of some Palestinian groups to recognize the right of Israel to exist and Israel's reluctance to allow the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Israel asserts that one major condition of Palestinian sovereignty over any territory must be acceptance of mutual co-existence and elimination of terrorism by the Palestinians. Some Palestinian groups, notably Fatah, a political party founded by PLO leaders, claim they are willing to foster co-existence if Palestinians are steadily given more political rights and autonomy. In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, where it remains the majority party. While Hamas has openly stated in the past that it completely opposed Israel's right to exist,Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005 However, there are significant areas of disagreement over the shape of any final agreement and also regarding the level of credibility each side sees in the other in upholding basic commitments.Yaar. "The source of the Jewish public's skepticism - and even pessimism - is apparently the widespread belief that a peace agreement based on the 'two states for two peoples' formula would not lead the Palestinians to end their conflict with Israel." Within Israeli and Palestinian society, the conflict generates a wide variety of views and opinions. This highlights the deep divisions which exist not only between Israelis and Palestinians, but also within each society. A hallmark of the conflict has been the level of violence witnessed for virtually its entire duration. Fighting has been conducted by regular armies, paramilitary groups, terror cells and individuals. Casualties have not been restricted to the military, with a large number of fatalities in civilian population on both sides. There are prominent international actors involved in the conflict. The two parties engaged in direct negotiation are the Israeli government, currently led by Benjamin Netanyahu, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), currently headed by Mahmoud Abbas. The official negotiations are mediated by an international contingent known as the Quartet on the Middle East (the Quartet) represented by a special envoy that consists of the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations. The Arab League is another important actor, which has proposed an alternative peace plan. Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League, has historically been a key participant. Since 2003, the Palestinian side has been fractured by conflict between the two major factions: Fatah, the traditionally dominant party, and its later electoral challenger, Hamas. Following Hamas' seizure of power in the Gaza Strip in June 2007, the territory controlled by the Palestinian National Authority (the Palestinian interim government) is split between Fatah in the West Bank, and Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The division of governance between the parties has effectively resulted in the collapse of bipartisan governance of the Palestinian National Authority (PA). A round of peace negotiations began at Annapolis, Maryland, United States, in November 2007. These talks were aimed at having a final resolution by the end of 2008."New Mid-East peace drive launched." BBC News. 28 November 2007 Direct negotiations between the Israeli government and Palestinian leadership began in September of 2010 aimed at reaching an official final status settlement. History Periods of the conflict On the historical timeline, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict has had seven distinct phases: Late 19th century-1917: The period of the Ottoman Empire rule in Palestine in which the Arabs in The Ottoman Palestine saw themselves as part of the overall Arab territories which were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. During that period, the disputes were on the basis of religious background and not on national background. 1917-1948: The period of the British Mandate of Palestine, in which both parties were under British rule and under a single political entity, called Palestine in English. During this period significant Jewish immigration from Europe altered the demographic balance. The term "The Israeli–Palestinian conflict" was not used, and instead the conflict was referred to as "the Jewish-Arab conflict over the Land of Palestine" (by the Arab population and the British population), "the Jewish-Arab conflict over Erez-Israel" (by the Jewish population). 1948-1967: The period between the declaration of the State of Israel and the Six-Day War in which the parties resided in three separate political entities: The State of Israel, the Gaza Strip which was controlled by Egypt and the West Bank which was annexed to Jordan. 1967: The Six-Day War: Border clashes between Syria and Israel First Day: Combined air attacks on all fronts by Israel in early morning destroy two-thirds of Arab aircraft. Second Day: Paratroops move from Ammunition Hill to Mt. Scopus (Jerusalem). Third Day: Old City captured, the West Bank is controlled, and Israeli military government is established. Fourth Day: Israel reaches Suez Canal. Fifth Day: Battles continue, mostly up north. Sixth Day: Cease fire proclaimed, Israel controls Golan Heights and demilitarizes Jerusalem area. 1967-1993: The period between the Six-Day War and the Oslo Accords, in which the conflicted parties reside in the areas addressed by the UN Partition Plan that were under the control of the State of Israel. 1993-2000: The period between the Oslo Accords and the Second Intifada, in which Israel existed alongside the semi-sovereign political autonomy - the Palestinian Authority. 2000–2005: The period between the beginning of the Second Intifada up until 2005, in which Israel returned to perform arresting operations in Area A zones in the West Bank. 2005–Present: The period after Israel's unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. The withdrawal led to the strengthening of Hamas, which in 2006 won an election, then took control over the Gaza Strip. Prominent events throughout the conflict thumb|210px|Map of Palestinian Authority (dark green) and Israeli administered areas (light green) in the West Bank and Gaza Strip following the Oslo Accords. The agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. Balfour Declaration (1917) King-Crane Commission (1919) 1920 Palestine riots 1921 Palestine riots in Jaffa 1929 Palestine riots in Jerusalem, Jaffa and Hebron 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine The approval of the UN Partition Plan according to which Palestine would be divided into two states – a Jewish state and an Arab state (1947) 1947–1948 Civil War in Mandate Palestine 1948 Arab-Israeli War, 1948 Palestinian exodus and the establishment of the state of Israel (1948) The creation of the Palestinian refugee problem (1948–1951) and Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim lands (1948–1952) Suez Crisis (1956) War over Water (1964–1967) Six-Day War (1967) – Israel occupies the territories populated by Palestinians from Jordan and Egypt, prompting 1967 Palestinian exodus while Arab League's policy causes the final phase of Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim lands (1967–1972) War of Attrition (1968–1970) Black September – the deportation of the PLO from Jordan to Lebanon (1970) Operation Litani – Israel's military campaign which pushed PLO forces north of the Litani river (1978) First Lebanon War - Israeli invasion of Lebanon in order to expel PLO forces from the country (1982) First Intifada - Palestinian uprising against Israel in the Palestinian Territories (1987–1993) Second Intifada (began in 2000) Israel's unilateral disengagement plan (2005) The Gaza War (2008–2009) Peace process Oslo Accords (1993) thumb|left||A peace movement poster: Israeli and Palestinian flags and the words peace in Arabic and Hebrew. In 1993, Israeli officials led by Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization led by Yasser Arafat strove to find a peaceful solution through what became known as the Oslo peace process. A crucial milestone in this process was Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. In 1993, the Oslo Accords were finalized as a framework for future Israeli-Palestinian relations. The crux of the Oslo agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of the Palestinian territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, the process took a turning point at the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin and finally unraveled when Arafat and Ehud Barak failed to reach agreement at Camp David in July 2000. Robert Malley, special assistant to United States President Bill Clinton for Arab-Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that while Barak made no formal written offer to Arafat, the US did present concepts for peace which were considered by the Israeli side yet left unanswered by Arafat "the Palestinians’ principal failing is that from the beginning of the Camp David summit onward they were unable either to say yes to the American ideas or to present a cogent and specific counterproposal of their own".Malley, Robert and Hussein Agha. "Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors." The New York Review of Books. 9 August 2001. Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposals considered.de Jong, Jan and Philippe Rekacewicz. "Propositions israéliennes, de Camp David (2000) à Taba (2001)." Le Monde Diplomatique. September 2001. 22 April 2007.Agha, Hussein and Robert Malley. "Camp David and After: An Exchange (2. A Reply to Ehud Barak)." The New York Review of Books. 13 June 2002.Morris, Benny and Ehud Barak. "Camp David and After—Continued." The New York Review of Books. 27 June 2002. left|thumb|200px|Yitzhak Rabin, Bill Clinton, and Yasser Arafat during the Oslo Accords on 13 September 1993. Camp David Summit (2000) In July 2000, U.S. President Bill Clinton convened a peace summit between Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Barak reportedly offered the Palestinian leader approximately 95% of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem,"Online NewsHour: Peace Talks Continue." PBS. 20 July 2000. 21 September 2010. and that 69 Jewish settlements (which comprise 85% of the West Bank's Jewish settlers) would be ceded to Israel. He also proposed "temporary Israeli control" indefinitely over another 10% of the West Bank territory—an area including many more Jewish settlements. According to Palestinian sources, the remaining area would be under Palestinian control, yet certain areas would be broken up by Israeli bypass roads and checkpoints. Depending on how the security roads would be configured, these Israeli roads might impede free travel by Palestinians throughout their proposed nation and reduce the ability to absorb Palestinian refugees. Arafat rejected this offer. President Clinton reportedly requested that Arafat make a counter-offer, but he proposed none. Former Israeli Foreign Minister Shlomo Ben Ami who kept a diary of the negotiations said in an interview in 2001, when asked whether the Palestinians made a counterproposal: "No. And that is the heart of the matter. Never, in the negotiations between us and the Palestinians, was there a Palestinian counterproposal."Ben-Ami, Shlomo. Interview with Ari Shavit. "End of a journey." Haaretz. 13 September 2001. No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands, even under intense U.S. pressure. Clinton blamed Arafat for the failure of the Camp David Summit. In the months following the summit, Clinton appointed former U.S. Senator George J. Mitchell to lead a fact-finding committee that later published the Mitchell Report aimed at restoring the peace process. Taba Summit (2001) The Israeli negotiation team presented a new map at the Taba Summit in Taba, Egypt in January 2001. The proposition removed the "temporarily Israeli controlled" areas, and the Palestinian side accepted this as a basis for further negotiation. However, Prime Minister Ehud Barak did not conduct further negotiations at that time; the talks ended without an agreement. The following month the Likud party candidate Ariel Sharon was elected as Israeli prime minister on 7 February 2001. Road Map for Peace One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and the United States on September 17, 2002, was the Road Map for Peace. This plan did not attempt to resolve difficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in later phases of the process. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, which called for a halt to Israeli settlement construction and a halt to Israeli and Palestinian violence, none of which was achieved. Arab Peace Initiative The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic: مبادرة السلام العربية) was first proposed by Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is a proposed solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole, and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in particular. The initiative was initially published on March 28, 2002, at the Beirut Summit, and agreed upon again in 2007 in the Riyadh Summit. Unlike the Road Map for Peace, it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitly on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, in exchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the occupied territories, including the Golan Heights, to recognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital" in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees."The Saudi Arabia peace initiative." Ynetnews. 23 March 2009. 21 September 2010. A number of Israeli officials have responded to the initiative with both support and criticism. The Israeli government has expressed reservations on 'red line,' issues such as the Palestinian refugee problem, homeland security concerns, and the nature of Jerusalem."Response of FM Peres to the decisions of the Arab Summit in Beirut.". Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 28 March 2002. However, the Arab League continues to raise it as a possible solution, and meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been held."Arab leaders relaunch peace plan." BBC News 28 March 2007. Current issues in dispute The following outlined positions are the official positions of the two parties; however, it is important to note that neither side holds a single position. Both the Israeli and the Palestinian sides include both moderate and extremist bodies as well as dovish and hawkish bodies. Many Palestinians nowadays believe that Israel is not really interested in reaching an arrangement, but rather interested in continuing to control the entire territory from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River. On the other hand, many Israelis nowadays believe that the Palestinians’ true intentions are to conquer the Palestine region entirely and that their official claims are only a temporary strategy. As a proof to their claims, they note the rise of the Hamas, which has called for the takeover of all parts of Israel, incitement against Israel made in the Palestinian schools' textbooks and to the Palestinian political violence made against Israeli civilians within the Green Line borders."Palestinian incitement." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 7 April 2010. 2 June 2010. Due to the large number of opinions and interpretations, the question of the true demands of the parties is a political issue by itself, about which many Israelis and Palestinians disagree. Jerusalem thumb|Greater Jerusalem, May 2006. CIA remote sensing map showing what CIA regards as settlements, plus refugee camps, fences, walls, etc. The border of Jerusalem is a particularly delicate issue, with each side asserting claims over this city. The three largest Abrahamic religions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—include Jerusalem as an important setting for their religious and historical narratives.Jerusalem is the holiest site in the world for Judaism. The two Divine Temples were built on what is called the Temple Mount, the first over three thousand years ago. Archaeological evidence has proven that the Divine Temple of the Jews was built at that time, and the second built a few centuries after its destruction. Jerusalem was the capital city of the Israeli Empire, established right before the construction of the First Temple. For Muslims, Jerusalem is the third holiest (after Mecca and Medina), where Mohammed allegedly tied his horse, el'Baruck, meaning lightning in Arabic. The Al-Aqsa Mosque was built on the Temple Mount several centuries ago. Israel controls Jerusalem today. However, Muslims are almost exclusively allowed on the Temple Mount site. Jews are rarely allowed onto the Temple Mount. Symon, Fiona. "Jerusalem: Crucible of the conflict." BBC News. 4 December 2001. Israel asserts that the city should not be divided and should remain unified within Israel's political control. Palestinians claim at least the parts of the city which were not part of Israel prior to June 1967. As of 2005, there were more than 719,000 people living in Jerusalem; 465,000 were Jews (mostly living in West Jerusalem) and 232,000 were Muslims (mostly living in East Jerusalem).Zaritzky, Suzanna. "Press Release." Central Bureau of Statistics. 24 May 2006. 9 April 2006. The Israeli government, including the Knesset and Supreme Court, is centered in the "new city" of West Jerusalem and has been since Israel's founding in 1948. After Israel captured the Jordanian-controlled East Jerusalem in the Six-Day War, it assumed complete administrative control of East Jerusalem. In 1980, Israel issued a new law stating, "Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel.""Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel." Jewish Virtual Library. 9 April 2008. At the Camp David and Taba Summits in 2000–01, the United States proposed a plan in which the Arab parts of Jerusalem would be given to the proposed Palestinian state while the Jewish parts of Jerusalem were retained by Israel. All archaeological work under the Temple Mount would be jointly controlled by the Israeli and Palestinian governments. Both sides accepted the proposal in principle, but the summits ultimately failed. Israel has grave concerns regarding the welfare of Jewish holy places under possible Palestinian control. When Jerusalem was under Jordanian control, no Jews were allowed to visit the Western Wall or other Jewish holy places, and the Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives was desecrated. In 2000, a Palestinian mob took over Joseph's Tomb, a shrine considered sacred by both Jews and Muslims, looted and burned the building and turned it into a mosque.Gold. The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2007. p. 3. indeed its charter states this,"Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah & Hamas", BBC News, May 25, 2006. the position has softened somewhat recently.Climbdown as Hamas agrees to Israeli state, The Guardian, June 22, 2006Hamas Officials Already Recognize Israel's Right to Exist, Apparently CommonDreams.org, May 31, 2006 The most recent round of peace negotiations began at Annapolis, USA in November, 2007. These talks aim to have a final resolution by the end of 2008.New Mid-East peace drive launched, BBC News, 28 November 2007 History 1945-1948 After World War II, continuous Zionist pressure to relocate Jewish survivors of the Holocaust in Palestine caused difficulties for the British authorities before the international community, since they still rigorously applied the policies against further Jewish immigration outlined in the 1939 White Paper. The United Nations proposed a two-state solution, with a Jerusalem/Bethlehem enclave internationalized and adopted a Partition Plan on 29 November 1947. The Plan was accepted by Yishuv but rejected by the Arab League representing the Arab states. A civil war broke out immediately in Palestine as British troops began evacuating the country. Violence intensified. In February, Arab volunteers entered Palestine. The Jewish sector of Jerusalem became isolated. In April, the Haganah took the offensive and defeated Arab Palestinians and volunteers, and took control of different mixed localities. A massive exodus of Palestinian Arabs began. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. Several Arab armies entered Palestine. After six weeks of heavy fighting, particularly around Jerusalem, all parties agreed to a truce. This was used by Israel to reinforce her forces, and after the truce Israel took the initiative and defeated the Arab armies. By the conclusion of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Israel had greatly expanded its borders and signed ceasefire agreements with all its Arab neighbors. An exodus of Palestinian Arabs from Israel occurred during this war. Simultaneously, Jews exited Jerusalem by force, and Jewish residents of nearby villages and settlements, such as K'far Etzion, were massacred by Arab troops. Jews were not allowed to live in or visit Jerusalem from 1948-1967, and Jewish holy places in Jerusalem were vandalized during this period. The causes are a source of dispute among historians: Some claim that the Palestinian villagers were forcibly expelled and others, that the villagers fled in fear before Israeli forces arrived. Whatever the reasons behind it, this exodus created the Palestinian refugee problem, which has remained unsolved.Frank, Mitch. Understanding the Holy Land: Answering Questions about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Viking, 2005. p. 52-54. Many abandoned properties and villages were resettled by Jewish refugees from Europe and Arab lands. (See also: Aliyah Bet, Berihah, Sh'erit ha-Pletah, Jewish exodus from Arab lands) One factor in the persistence of the Arab refugee problem was the refusal of any Arab government except Jordan to offer the Palestinian Arabs citizenship. Whereas other much larger refugee problems after World War II were eventually solved, this one persisted. Palestinians were defined as those who lived in Palestine between 1946-1948 or their descendants by the United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) which was created especially for the Palestinians. Aid was given by the United Nations, based on population figures, and refugee camps that had sprouted up in Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan grew as did the Palestinian population. Because the Palestinians did not become Egyptian, Lebanese, or Israeli, the number of Palestinian Arabs increased to several million. 1949-1967 PLOFatahHamasPIJPFLP60px|60px|60px|60px| 60px| The emblems of major Palestinian organizations include a map of present-day Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. (Significant populations of Palestinians and Israelis alike claim a right to the entire region). By the end of 1949, only 150,123 Palestinians remained within Israel.Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 279. ISBN 0-253-20873-4. For this reason, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict took a back seat to the broader Arab-Israeli Conflict during this time. Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 336. ISBN 0-253-20873-4. Palestinians played a crucial role in the Egyptian-Israeli conflict during this time.Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. 5-6. There are unauthorized Palestinian excavations for construction on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, which could threaten the stability of the Western Wall. Israel, on the other hand, has seldom blocked access to holy places sacred to other religions. Israeli security agencies routinely monitor and arrest Jewish extremists that plan attacks, resulting in almost no serious incidents for the last 20 years.Stern, Jessica. "frontline: israel's next war?" PBS. 5 April 2005. 22 June 2010. Moreover, Israel has given almost complete autonomy to the Muslim trust (Waqf) over the Temple Mount.Sela, Avraham. "Jerusalem." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121.Rossel, Seymour. Israel: Covenant People Covenant Land. New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1985. p. 191. Beginning in 1950, Egypt began using fedayeen to conduct a war of proxy against Israel. These units of Palestinians—often trained and equipped by Egypt—would infiltrate across what was then the Israeli-Egyptian border at Gaza, and conduct guerilla raids against Israeli targets (mostly civilian in nature). Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 346. ISBN 0-253-20873-4. In the first five years of the 1950s, "884 Israelis were wounded or killed by" Palestinian fedayin trained and sent into Israel by the Egyptians. The fedayin attacks was cited as being among the factors leading up to the Israeli decision to participate in the Sinai Campaign in 1956. The scope of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict again broadened after Israel conquered the West Bank from Jordan and the Gaza Strip from Egypt during the Six-Day War. Oslo peace process (1993-2000) thumb|A peace movement poster: Israeli and Palestinian flags and the words peace in Arabic and Hebrew. Similar images have been used by several groups proposing a two-state solution to the conflict. In 1993, Israeli and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization strove to find a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict known as the Oslo peace process. Perhaps the most important milestone of this period was Yasser Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. The crux of the Oslo agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of the Palestinian territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, but finally came to a close when Arafat and Barak failed to reach agreement. Robert Malley, special assistant to President Clinton for Arab-Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that Barak made no formal written offer to Arafat.Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors', The New York Review of Books, Volume 48, Number 13, August 9, 2001.Selby, 2003, p. 185. Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposals considered.Propositions israéliennes, de Camp David (2000) à Taba (2001), Reconstruction by Le Monde Diplomatique, accessed 22 April, 2007.Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After: An Exchange (2. A Reply to Ehud Barak)', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 10, June 13, 2002.Benny Morris and Ehud Barak, Reply by Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After—Continued', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 11, June 27, 2002. However, the main obstacle to agreement appears to have been the status of Jerusalem.Enderlin, 2003, p. 263-264. thumb|250px|Map of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, showing areas of formal Palestinian authority in dark green and Israeli-administered areas in light green. Peace Initiatives (2002) Road Map for Peace One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and the United States on September 17, 2002, was the Road map for peace. This plan did not attempt to resolve difficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in later phases of the process. Israel did not accept the proposal as written, but called out 14 "reservations" or changes before they would accept ithttp://www.caabu.org/press/documents/israeli-resolution-roadmap.html, which were unacceptable to the current Palestinian government. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, which called for a halt to Israeli settlement construction and a halt to Israeli and Palestinian violence, none of which was achieved. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stated around this period that further unilateral withdrawals from some West Bank settlements might be undertaken if the peace process seemed to be stalled. Arab Peace Initiative The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic: مبادرة السلام العربية) is a peace initiative first proposed by Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, then crown prince, in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is a proposed solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular. The initiative was initially published on 28 March 2002 in Beirut Summit, and agreed on again in 2007 in the Riyadh Summit. The peace initiative achieved the unanimous consent of all members of the Arab League, including both the Hamas and Fatah Palestinian factions. Considered a progressive proposal that would end the Arab-Israeli conflict, unlike the Road map for peace it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitely on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, in exchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the Occupied Territories, including the Golan Heights, to recognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital" in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees. Although initially rejected by Israel, the Arab Leage continues to raise it as a possible solution, and meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been scheduledArab League Summit: Outcomes and Reactions Churches for Middle East Peace, April 11, 2007. 2003-present Prime Minister of Israel Ariel Sharon announced a controversial disengagement plan in December 2003.Israeli Withdrawal from Gaza Explained Washington Post, Aug. 10, 2005 Israel was to remove all of its civilian and military presence in the Gaza Strip, (namely 21 Jewish settlements there, and four in the West Bank), but continue to supervise and guard the external envelope on land excepting a border crossing with Egypt, which is jointly run by the Palestinian National Authority in conjunction with the European Union. Israel also maintained exclusive control in the air space of Gaza. The Israeli government argued that "as a result, there will be no basis for the claim that the Gaza Strip is occupied territory,"http://www.fmep.org/documents/disengagement_plan_of_Sharon.html while others argued that the only effect would be that Israel "would be permitted to complete the wall (that is, the Israeli West Bank Barrier) and to maintain the situation in the West Bank as is."http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article3331.shtml Israel implemented their disengagement plan in August-September 2005, and it was initially popular with most Israelis, helping Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to win the following election after Sharon was incapacitated by a stroke.Olmert pushes plan for West Bank Baltimore Sun, May 22, 2006 As preparation for Israel's withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, Fatah and Hamas had called a cease-fire on attacks against Israel in February 2005. CNN reported in 2006 that Fatah and Hamas "stuck to the cease-fire it announced in February 2005, but other groups did not sign on and have continued attacks against Israel."Beach strike shakes Hamas cease-fire CNN June 9, 2006 Nevertheless, Israel continued to target militants inside Gaza whom it alleged had planned or carried out attacks on Israel, including some members of Hamas.More deaths threaten uneasy truce in Israel The Guardian, July 15, 2005 Then in June 2006, violence on both sides escalated. Israel killed a Hamas official in a missile attack on June 5; then on June 6 militants from the "Popular Resistance" group fired rockets into Israel which produced no casualties; Israel launched airstrikes against those militants and others, killing five; and then an Israeli navy gunboat fired shells onto a northern Gaza beach, killing seven and wounding 20 amongst the Palestinian families picnicking on the beach. In response, Hamas called off its 16-month-old cease-fire. Since that time, Israeli military incursions into Gaza and Palestinian rocket attacks towards Israeli cities have continued to this day.Hadad, Shmulik. "Peres: Enough with Qassam hysteria." Ynetnews. 20 June 2006. 1 October 2007.Hadad, Shmulik. "2 Qassam rockets land near Sderot; no injuries reported." Ynetnews. 30 September 2007. 1 October 2007.Hadad, Shmulik. "Qassam lands near Sderot." Ynetnews. 27 September 2007. 1 October 2007. Later in June 2006, Corporal Gilad Shalit, a 19-year-old Israeli IDF soldier, was captured by members of Hamas. Israel carried out a military operation against targets in Gaza, which it claimed to be in response to Palestinian attacks. Israeli Prime Minister Olmert stated that Israel's goal was not to reacquire control of the Gaza Strip, and that the IDF would withdraw once its operations were completed. Hamas's victory in the 2006 elections for Palestinian Legislative Council, and Ismail Haniyeh’s ascension to the post of Prime Minister further complicated the peace process. Hamas openly states that it does not recognize Israel's right to exist, although they have expressed openness to a long-term hudna or truce.Hamas: Ceasefire for return to 1967 border Ynet News, Jan. 30, 2006 In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to form a new unity government. Haniyeh later resigned, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. In 2007, the coalition of Hamas and Fatah collapsed, and the two engaged in a physical struggle. Eventually, Fatah was defeated in Gaza, and Hamas took over full control of the Gaza Strip. Fatah retains control of the West Bank. Gaza has been subjected to economic sanctions due to Hamas' non-recognition of Israel, and sporadic fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza has continued. Hamas has made recent attempts to renew a cease-fire with Israel, but Israel has so far rejected their offer.Israel rejects Hamas cease-fire JTA, Sept. 21, 2007Hamas renews call for cease-fire with Israel International Herald Tribune, Sept. 30, 2007 Major issues between the two sides Since the Oslo Accords, finalized in 1993, the government of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) have been officially committed to an eventual two-state solution. However, there are many major issues which remained unresolved between the two parties. The status of the occupied territories The West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem—territories which Israel conquered from Egypt and Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War—are the subject of contentious legal, ethical and political dispute between Israelis and Palestinians. Occupied Territories is the official term used by virtually all actors in the conflict. The Israeli government uses the term Disputed Territories, to indicate its position that some territories cannot be called occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and there was no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel acquired them in June 1967. Israeli Settlements and International Law, Israel Foreign Ministry website, 5/4/01, accessed 12/18/07. (Scroll down to paragraph which begins "Politically, the West Bank and Gaza Strip is best regarded as...") "Occupied Territories" to "Disputed Territories" by Dore Gold, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, January 16, 2002. Retrieved September 29, 2005. The area is still referred to as Judea and Samaria by some Israeli groups, based on the historical regional names from ancient times. In 1980, Israel outright annexed East Jerusalem.Israel & the Palestinians: Key Maps British Broadcasting Corporation, April 10, 2007 The United Nations rejected this annexation on August 20 of that year. United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 United Nations, Aug. 20, 1980 Israel has never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "[t]ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" - the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See United Nations Security Council Resolution 242#Semantic dispute. It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewish settlements), and the entire Gaza Strip must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State. However, the precise borders of this state are in question. In 2000, for example, Ehud Barak offered Yasser Arafat an opportunity to establish an independent Palestinian State composed of the entire Gaza Strip and 92% of the West Bank. Due to security restrictions, and Barak's opposition to a broad right of return, Arafat refused this proposal.http://www.aijac.org.au/resources/Israel-peace-timeline.html Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel says it is justified in not ceding all this land, due to security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion.Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 121-147. Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be. Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, insist that Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel proper. For this reason, Hamas views the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable."Sela, Avraham. "Hamas." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 335-342. Mutual recognition The Oslo peace process was based upon Israel ceding authority to the Palestinians to run their own political and economic affairs. In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people.http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_oslo_accords.php Despite Yasser Arafat's official renouncement of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity. Simultaneously, at the time of Hamas's victory in the 2006, polls indicated that 66% of Palestinians supported mutual recognition and a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict. It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist. Palestinians respond that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. Many feel that their own opposition to Israel was justified by Israel's apparent stifling of any genuine Palestinian political and economic development.Israeli Settlements on Occupied Palestinian Territories Israel cites past concessions, such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August, 2005, which did not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel, as an example of the Palestinian people not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namely B'tzellem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli government still retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israeli control. Practically, they also point out that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the Gaza Strip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal. Furthermore, given that the Israeli army has run incursions into the Gaza Strip on various occasions, closed off its borders, and placed an embargo on the region, the Gazan economy has since gone into free fall. This has led and continues to result in warnings of the Palestinian population becoming more radicalized unless conditions improve. Many significant Palestinian militant groups refuse to recognize Israel's existence, based on their belief that Israel has repeatedly taken Palestinian resources and violated their perceived rights. Based on this, they seek to destroy Israel at some point in the future. It is unclear how much popular support they have. In response, some Israeli groups and individuals oppose any territorial or political concessions to Palestinians. The question of Palestinian refugees The number of Palestinians who fled Israel following its creation and their descendants now stands at around four million.[“ Palestinian premier rejects Israel's condition for talks.” USA Today. May 7, 2003. http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-05-07-mideast_x.htm] Left-wing Israelis are open to compromise on the issue, by means such as the monetary reparations and family reunification initiatives offered by Ehud Barak at the Camp David 2000 summit. However, the majority of Israelis find a comprehensive right of return for Palestinian refugees to be unacceptable. The HonestReporting organization listed the following grounds for this opposition: Palestinian flight from Israel was not compelled, but voluntary. After seven Arab nations declared war on Israel in 1948, many Arab leaders encouraged Palestinians to flee, in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state. This point, however, is a matter of some contention. Certain actions on the part of Jewish militias were considered to provoke Palestinians to leave Israel. Eye witness accounts from Ain al-Zeitoum and Er-Rama, for example, record that the Palmach assembled all of their residents following the villages' surrender. The Jewish militia then demanded that all Muslim residents depart for Lebanon, and leave their possessions behind, under pain of death.Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4 Still, such cases were relatively rare, and the vast majority of Palestinians fled of their own accord. Since most Palestinians chose their status as refugees themselves, some argue that Israel is therefore absolved of responsibility.”Rights and Wrongs.” Efraim Karsh. Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council. June 2001. http://www.aijac.org.au/review/2001/266/essay266.html. In fact, a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee reveals that Arab states officially agreed to take responsibility for these refugees at the height of the Palestinian exodus, until such time as Israel would be destroyed: Arab leaders and their ministries in Arab capitals ... declared that they welcomed the immigration of Palestinian Arabs into the Arab countries until they saved Palestine.From a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee; quoted in Joseph B. Schechtman, The Refugees in the World (New York: Barnes, 1963), p. 197. There is no legal basis to demand repatriation of Palestinian refugees and their descendents. No international legislation, UN resolutions or agreements between Israel and the Palestinians require this.”Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question.” Ruth Lapidoth. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. http://www.jcpa.org/jl/vp485.htm. Historical legal precedent from the Middle East supports this contention. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world were ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them.http://wais.stanford.edu/Israel/israel_andthepalestinerightofreturn51603.html An influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel. Because a right of return would make Arabs the majority within Israel, this would essentially seal the fate of the Jewish state. As Fatah explains: “To us, the refugees issue is the winning card which means the end of the Israeli state.”http://www.fateh.net/e_public/refugees.htm Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees on several groundsMcGeown, Kate and Martin Asser. 491-498. Israel expresses concern over the security of its residents if neighborhoods of Jerusalem are placed under Palestinian control. Jerusalem has been a prime target for attacks by militant groups against civilian targets since 1967. Many Jewish neighborhoods have been fired upon from Arab areas. The proximity of the Arab areas, if these regions were to fall in the boundaries of a Palestinian state, would be so close as to threaten the safety of Jewish residents. Nadav Shragai states this idea in his study for the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, "An Israeli security body that was tasked in March 2000 with examining the possibility of transferring three Arab villages just outside of Jerusalem - Abu Dis, Al Azaria, and a-Ram - to Palestinian security control, assessed at the time that: 'Terrorists will be able to exploit the short distances, sometimes involving no more than crossing a street, to cause damage to people or property. A terrorist will be able to stand on the other side of the road, shoot at an Israeli or throw a bomb, and it may be impossible to do anything about it. The road will constitute the border.' If that is the case for neighborhoods outside of Jerusalem's municipal boundaries, how much more so for Arab neighborhoods within those boundaries. Palestinians have voiced concerns regarding the welfare of Christian and Muslim holy places under Israeli control."In general, Israeli policy towards holy places can be considered a success with regard to its primary goal: facilitating Israel’s acceptance into the international community of nations. However, the repeated failure of the Muslim Affairs Department to fulfill its mandate of protecting the Muslim holy places in Israel has been a largely forgotten chapter in Israeli history that deserves reexamination". Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy Toward Islamic Institutions in Israel, State University of New York Press, 2001 p.96 Some Palestinian advocates have made statements alleging that the tunnels were re-opened with the intent of causing the mosque's collapse."Secret tunnel under Al-Aqsa Mosque exposed." Al Arabiya. 27 March 2008. Israel considers these statements to be totally baseless and unfounded, and to be deliberately intended to incite aggression and public disorder,"Israel's Position Regarding the Current Political Situation." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 26 September 1996 "A Critical Analysis of Security Council Resolution 1073.". Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1 October 1996. and stated this in a 1996 speech at the UN."FM Levy- Address to the UN Security Council." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 27 September 1997. The Israeli government insists it treats the Muslim and Christian holy sites with utmost respect. According to a 2010 study published by Freedom House, freedom of religion is respected. Religious minorities, including Christian, Muslim, and Baha'i communities have jurisdiction over their own members in matters of marriage, burial, and divorce.http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&year=2008&country=7416 Country Reporthttp://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Society_&_Culture/freedom.html Freedom of Religion in Israel Palestinian refugees of the 1948 war Palestinian refugees are people who lost both their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict. The number of Palestinians who fled or were expelled from Israel following its creation was estimated at 711,000 in 1949. Descendants of these original Palestinian Refugees are also eligible for registration and services provided by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), and as of 2010 number 4.7 million people."UNRWA-Palestinian refugees." UNRWA. 3 October 2010. One third of the refugees live in recognized refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The remainder live in and around the cities and towns of these host countries. Most of the people described above were born outside of Israel.Efrat, Moshe. "Refugees." Sela. The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 724–729. Nevertheless, Palestinian negotiators, most notably Yasser Arafat, have so far insisted that refugees have a right to return to the places where they lived before 1948 and 1967, including those within the 1949 Armistice lines, citing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and UN General Assembly Resolution 194 as evidence. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 declared that it proposed the compromise of a "just resolution" of the refugee problem.Muasher, Marwan. "The Arab Peace Initiative." Embassy of Jordan - Washington, D.C. 16 January 2008. The text of the Arab Peace Initiative is at the bottom of the page. Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees on several grounds:McGeown, Kate and Martin Asser. "Right of return: Palestinian dream?" BBC News. 18 February 2003. 15 July 2007.Flapan, Simha (1987):The Palestinian Exodus of 1948. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4. (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26.Khalidi, Rashid I.(1992): Observations on the Right of Return. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2. (Winter, 1992), pp. 29-40.: Several authors included in the broader New Historians assert that the Palestinian refugees were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and IrgunInterview to Avi Shlaim in Haaretz's supplement. A report from the military intelligence SHAI of the Haganah entitled "The emigration of Palestinian Arabs in the period 1/12/1947-1/6/1948", dated 30 June 1948 affirms that: "At least 55% of the total of the exodus was caused by our (Haganah/IDF) operations." To this figure, the report’s compilers add the operations of the Irgun and Lehi, which "directly (caused) some 15%... of the emigration". A further 2% was attributed to explicit expulsion orders issued by Israeli troops, and 1% to their psychological warfare. This leads to a figure of 73% for departures caused directly by the Israelis. In addition, the report attributes 22% of the departures to "fears" and "a crisis of confidence" affecting the Palestinian population. As for Arab calls for flight, these were reckoned to be significant in only 5% of cases...Kapeliouk, Amnon (1987): New Light on the Israeli-Arab Conflict and the Refugee Problem and Its Origins, p.21. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3. (Spring, 1987), pp. 16-24.Review by Dominique Vidal in Le Monde DiplomatiqueMorris, Benny (1986): What Happened in History. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 15, No. 4. (Summer, 1986), pp. 181-182. The traditional Israeli point of view arguing that Arab leaders encouraged Palestinian Arabs to flee has also been disputed by the New Historians, which instead have shown evidence indicating Arab leaders' will for the Palestinian Arab population to stay putSee for example, Masalha, Nur-eldeen (1988):On Recent Hebrew and Israeli Sources for the Palestinian Exodus, 1947-49. 29-40. A few authors included in the broader New Historians assert that the Palestinian refugees were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and Irgun.Frantzman, Seth J. "Review of The Ethnic Cleasing of Palestine." Middle East Forum. Spring 2008. 6 October 2010. Prominent historians such as Professor Avi Shlaim have argued otherwise. Shlaim (2000) has given documented accounts of how the Palestinians lost their homes and land. He argues that from April 1948 the military forces of what was to become Israel had embarked on a new offensive strategy which involved destroying Arab villages and the forced removal of civilians. The traditional Israeli point of view arguing that Arab leaders encouraged Palestinian Arabs to flee has also been disputed by the New Historians, which instead have shown evidence indicating Arab leaders' will for the Palestinian Arab population to stay put.See for example, Masalha, Nur-eldeen (1988):On Recent Hebrew and Israeli Sources for the Palestinian Exodus, 1947-49. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1, Special Issue: Palestine 1948. (Autumn, 1988), pp. 121-137. and Childers, Irskine (1961): The Other Exodus. The Spectator (London), May 12, 1961. . The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination towards non-Jews and especially to Palestinians that cannot apply for such citizenship nor return to the territory from which they were displaced or leftAl-Awda web site on points of unityEdward Said cited on the issue of the palestinian right of return and israeli Law of Return in www.samsonblinded.orgThe Arab Association of Human Rights criticises the israeli Law of Return as being discriminatory towards arabs in www.arabhra.orgJonathan Cook considers the support for the Israeli Law of Return together with the opposition towards Palestinian Right of Return as a way that "maintains the act of ethnic cleansing that dispossessed the Palestinian refugees more than half a century ago.". The strongest legal basis on the issue is UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948. It states that, "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible." UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also the inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls for their return". Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem," however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of returnGlobal Policy Forum on Palestinians' right of returnRadley, K.René (1978): The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination against non-Jews, especially Palestinians that cannot apply for such citizenship or return to the territory which they left. thumb|upright|Home in Balata refugee camp demolished during the second Intifada, 2002 According to the UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948, "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible." UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also the inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls for their return". Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem"; however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of return.Radley, K.René (1978): The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 586-614.. Israeli settlements The issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip have been described as an obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, by the international media;700 housing units to be built in W. Bank Jerusalem Post, 4 September 2006Obstacles to peace: Borders and settlements, BBC News, 25 May 2007 as well as the international political community (including the USState Department annual report. US-led international commission on BBC, the UKSelect Committee on International Development in www.parliament.uk, and the EU Interparliamentary European Security and Defence Assembly. [http://www.bittyurl.com/?f59416). These actors have also called the settlements illegal under international law,Security Council. 49 speakers addresss Security Council. Summary record of the 16th meeting of the UN General Assembly. General Assembly Resolution A/RES/ES-10/7. Security Council Resolution 476 (1980) however Israel disputes this.Israel confirms settlement growth, BBC, 21 March, 2005. Furthermore, the ICJ Study Guide to the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Israeli Wall Being Built in Palestine. Znet as well as international and Israeli human rights organizationsThe Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions. A Human Rights Review on the EU and Israel. NGO Monitor consider the settlements illegal. Whilst several scholars and commentators disagree, citing recent historical trends to back up their argument, Six reasons to settle Yedioth Ahronoth 18 June 2005Bard, Mitchell G. 586-614. The most common arguments given for opposition are: The Israeli government asserts that the Arab refugee problem is largely caused by the refusal of all Arab governments except Jordan to grant citizenship to Palestinian Arabs who reside within those countries' borders. This has produced much of the poverty and economic problems of the refugees, according to MFA documents."Frequently Asked Questions About Israel;" "Who is Responsible for the Palestinian refugee problem?" Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 1 November 2001. 16 January 2008. The Palestinian refugee issue is handled by a separate authority from that handling other refugees, that is, by UNRWA and not the UNHCR. Most of the people recognizing themselves as Palestinian refugees would have otherwise been assimilated into their country of current residency, and would not maintain their refugee state if not for the separate entities. Concerning the origin of the Palestinian refugees, the official version of the Israeli government is that during the 1948 War the Arab Higher Committee and the Arab states encouraged Palestinians to flee in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state or that they did so to escape the fights by fear. The Palestinian narrative is that refugees were expelled and dispossessed by Jewish militias and by the Israeli army, following a plan established even before the war. Historians still debate the causes of the 1948 Palestinian exodus. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world was ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them."Israel and the Palestine right of return." World Association of International Studies. 8 April 2008.Alwaya, Semha. "The vanishing Jews of the Arab world / Baghdad native tells the story of being a Middle East refugee." SFGate. 6 March 2005. 19 January 2009.Greenberg, Eric J. "The Case for Jewish Exiles." United Jewish Communities. 7 November 2003. 19 January 2009. Although Israel accepts the right of the Palestinian Diaspora to return into a new Palestinian state, Israel insists that their return into the current state of Israel would be a great danger for the stability of the Jewish state; an influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel.Do Palestinian Refugees Have a Right to Return to Israel? by Ruth Lapidoth, MFA website, 1/15/01. (See section labeled "Conclusions."Erlanger, Steven. "Olmert Rejects Right of Return for Palestinians." The New York Times. 31 March 2007. 9 May 2008. Israeli security concerns |left|thumb|200px|Sbarro pizza restaurant bombing in Jerusalem, in which 15 Israeli civilians were killed and 130 wounded. Throughout the conflict, Palestinian violence has been a concern for Israelis. Israel, along with the United States"Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006." Global Legal Information Network. 26 December 2006. 30 May 2009. and the European Union, refer to the violence against Israeli civilians and military forces by Palestinian militants as terrorism. The motivations behind Palestinian violence against Israeli civilians are multiplex, and not all violent Palestinian groups agree with each other on specifics, however a common motive is to eliminate the Jewish state and replace it with a Palestinian Arab state.Sela. "Terrorism." Sela. The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 822-836. The most prominent Islamist groups, such as Hamas, view the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as a religious jihad. 2002 bulldozer attacks|thumb|150px Suicide bombing is used as a tactic among Palestinian organizations like Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. In Israel, Palestinian suicide bombers have targeted civilian buses, restaurants, shopping malls, hotels and marketplaces."Analysis: Palestinian suicide attacks." BBC News. 29 January 2007. From 1993-2003, 303 Palestinian suicide bombers attacked Israel."Profile of Suicide Bombings." Jewish Virtual Library. The Israeli government initiated construction of a security barrier following scores of suicide bombings and terrorist attacks in July 2003. Israel's coalition government approved the security barrier in the northern part of the green-line between Israel and the West Bank. Since the erection of the fence, terrorist acts have declined by more than 90%.Bard. "Israel’s Security Fence." Jewish Virtual Library. 8 July 2010. Since 2001, the threat of Qassam rockets fired from the Palestinian Territories into Israel is also of great concern for Israeli defense officials.Harel, Amos. "Defense officials concerned as Hamas upgrades Qassam arsenal." Haaretz. 7 December 2007. 30 March 2009. In 2006—the year following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip—the Israeli government recorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the total rockets fired in 2005. As of January 2009, over 8,600 rockets had been launched."Q&A: Gaza conflict." BBC News. 18 January 2009."Gaza's rocket threat to Israel." BBC News. 21 January 2008. causing widespread psychological trauma and disruption of daily life.Patience, Martin. "Playing cat and mouse with Gaza rockets." BBC News. 28 February 2008. Over 500 rockets and mortars hit Israel between January–September 2010. An Israeli child wounded by a Hamas Grad rocket fired on the city of Beer Sheva is taken to a hospital|thumb|225px According to a study conducted by University of Haifa, 1 in 5 Israelis have lost a relative or friend in a Palestinian terrorist attack."One in Five Israelis Has Lost Someone To War or Terror." Jewish Virtual Library. 7 July 2005. There is significant debate within Israel about how to deal with the country's security concerns. Options have included military action (including targeted killings and house demolitions of terrorist operatives), diplomacy, unilateral gestures toward peace, and increased security measures such as checkpoints, roadblocks and security barriers. The legality and the wisdom of all of the above tactics have been called into question by various commentators. Since mid-June 2007, Israel's primary means of dealing with security concerns in the West Bank has been to cooperate with and permit United States-sponsored training, equipping, and funding of the Palestinian Authority's security forces, which with Israeli help have largely succeeded in quelling West Bank supporters of Hamas. According to a 2010 comprehensive survey of Palestinian attitude about peace with Israel, 13.7% rate violence against Israelis as 'unacceptable' as means to achieve a state. In comparison, 85.1% of Palestinians approve of violence."Palestinian Attitudes About Peace With Israel - 2009." Jewish Virtual Library. Palestinian violence outside of Israel Palestinians have committed thousands of violent acts over the globe as part of their struggle against Israel. Hundreds of foreigners, including Americans"Terror Blast Kills 7, Including 5 Americans, at Jerusalem University." Fox News. 1 August 2002. and Europeans,Reeves, Phil. "Mystery surrounds 'suicide' of Abu Nidal, once a ruthless killer and face of terror." The Independent. 20 August 2002. have been killed and injured by Palestinian militants. At least 53 Americans have been killed and 83 injured by Palestinian violence since the signing of the Oslo Accords.Taillandier, Caroline, et al, eds. "American Victims of Mideast Terrorist Attacks." Jewish Virtual Library. During the late 1960s, the PLO became increasingly infamous for its use of international terror. In 1969 alone, the PLO was responsible for hijacking 82 planes. El Al Airlines became a regular hijacking target."Attempt to carry explosives device on El Al flight foiled." Jerusalem Post. 28 September 2010.Encyclopedia of the developing world, Volume 3 pg. 1228 The hijacking of Air France Flight 139 by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine culminated during a hostage-rescue mission, where Israeli special forces successfully rescued the majority of the hostages. However, one of the most well-known and notorious terrorist acts was the capture and eventual murder of 11 Israeli athletes during the 1972 Olympic Games.Encyclopedia of the developing world, Volume 3. M. Leonard, Thomas The assassination of Robert F. Kennedy has been described as a Palestinian terrorist act by some sources.Kujawsky, Paul. "Palestinian terror stretches back to RFK killing at the Ambassador Hotel." Jewish Journal. 29 May 2008. Attacks on diplomatic missions and Israelis abroad Numerous embassies and Israeli travelers have been attacked by Palestinian militant groups during the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. December 26, 1968: Two Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine terrorists attacked an El Al plane about to depart, killing one Israeli and injuring two others.Chronologies of modern terrorism. Barry Rubin, Barry M. Rubin, Judith Colp Rubin. pg 185 February 18, 1969: Three Israeli El Al Boeing 707 crew members, including the pilot, were killed by three PFLP terrorists in Zurich. February 10, 1970: 12 Israeli El Al passengers were killed and wounded by Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine terrorists at a Munich airport. May 4, 1970: An employee at the Israeli consulate in Paraguay was killed by two armed Palestinians.Lazaroff, Tovah. "Foreign Ministry honors staffers killed in terrorist attacks." Jerusalem Post. 19 April 2010. May 8, 1972: Four Black September terrorists hijacked a Belgian airliner at Lod Airport. During the rescue operation, five Israeli soldiers and one passenger were killed. May 17, 1972: Three members of the Turkish Liberation Army, a terrorist organization linked to the PLO, kidnapped and executed Israeli consul-general Efraim Elrom in Istanbul. May 30, 1972: The Japanese Red Army killed eight Israelis and 17 United States citizen and injured 80 others at Lod airport on behalf of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.Chronologies of modern terrorism. pg 188 September 10, 1972: An Israeli official at the Israeli Embassy in Brussels was wounded by Fatah militants."Major Terror Attacks Against Israeli Embassies and Representatives Abroad." Jewish Virtual Library. February 1999. September 19, 1972: Ami Shachori, an agriculture counselor at the Israeli embassy in England, was assassinated by Black September militants.Chronologies of modern terrorism. pg 185.Assassination in Khartoum. David A. Korn. pg 49 July 1, 1973: Yosef Alon, air force attaché in the Israeli Embassy in Washington, was shot to death outside his home by Black September."Major Terror Attacks (1952-2003)." Jewish Virtual Library. December 17, 1973: Five Palestinian terrorists shot at passengers waiting in an El Al Israel Airlines lounge at a Rome airport, killing two civilians. Then they hurled incendiary grenades at a Pan-Am Boeing 707 waiting to take off, killing 29 passengers.Chronologies of modern terrorism. pg 189 September 8, 1974: TWA jet with 88 passengers traveling from Tel Aviv to Athens crashed into the Ionian Sea after PFLP terrorists detonated a bomb hidden in the baggage compartment, killing all on board. Among the dead included 17 Americans and two Israelis.Chronologies of modern terrorism pg 190 November 13, 1979: Israeli Ambassador to Portugal Ephraim Eldar was wounded by Palestinian militants. A security guard was killed and an embassy chauffeur and local policeman were injured. August 10, 1981: Palestinian terrorists threw two bombs at an Israeli embassy in Vienna, wounding a 75-year old woman. August 29, 1981: Palestinian terrorists killed two people and wounded 30 attending a Bar Mitzvah in Vienna."Around the World - Palestinians Get Life In Austrian Slayings." New York Times. 22 January 1982. June 4, 1982: Israeli ambassador to the United Kingdom Shlomo Argov was wounded in an assassination attempt by Palestinian terrorists, setting off the 1982 Lebanon War. Argov later died of his injuries in 2003. September 23, 1982: Israeli Charge d'Affaires in Malta Esther Milo was wounded in an attempted kidnapping by Palestinian militants. December 23, 1982: Palestinian terrorists detonated a bomb at the Israeli Consulate in Sydney, wounding two Israelis officials. December 27, 1985: Fatah terrorists attacked El Al counters at Rome and Vienna airports, killing 19 people. April 2, 1986: Palestinian terrorists detonated a bomb on an Trans World Airlines 727, killing four Americans including a nine-month old infant. September 6, 1986: 22 Turkish Jews were killed by Palestinian terrorists belonging to the Abu Nidal Organization while attending service at the Neve Shalom Synagogue in Istanbul. July 26, 1994: A vehicle packed with 30 pounds of explosives at the Israeli Embassy in London exploded, wounding 20. Internal Palestinian violence 150px|thumb|right|Suspected Palestinian collaborator killed during the First Intifada Fighting among rival Palestinian and Arab movements has played a crucial role in shaping Israel's security policy towards Palestinian militants, as well as in the Palestinian leadership's own policies. As early as the 1930s revolts in Palestine, Arab forces fought each other while also skirmishing with Zionist and British forces, and internal conflicts continue to the present day. During the Lebanese Civil War, Palestinian baathists broke from the Palestinian Liberation Organization and allied with the Shia Amal Movement, fighting a bloody civil war that killed thousands of Palestinians.Syria A Country Study, Federal Research DivisionShiloaḥ le-ḥeḳer ha-Mizraḥ ha-tikhon ṿe-Afriḳah, Mekhon. Middle East contemporary survey, Volume 11. Google Books. In the First Intifada, over a thousand Palestinians were killed in a campaign initiated by the Palestinian Liberation Organization to crack down on suspected Israeli security service informers and collaborators. The Palestinian Authority was strongly criticized for its treatment of alleged collaborators, rights groups complaining that those labeled collaborators were denied fair trials. According to a report released by the Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group, less than 45 percent of those killed were actually guilty of informing for Israel.Taylor, Catherine. "How Israel builds its fifth column." The Christian Science Monitor. 22 May 2002. The policies towards suspected collaborators contravene agreements signed by the Palestinian leadership. Article XVI(2) of the Oslo II Agreement states:"THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN INTERIM AGREEMENT." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 28 September 1995. "Palestinians who have maintained contact with the Israeli authorities will not be subjected to acts of harassment, violence, retribution, or prosecution." The provision was designed to prevent Palestinian leaders from imposing retribution on fellow Palestinians who had worked on behalf of Israel during the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip."Palestinian Authority Defying the Rule of Law: Political Detainees." Jewish Virtual Library. April 1999. In the Gaza Strip, Hamas officials have killed and tortured thousands of Fatah members and other Palestinians who oppose their rule. During the Battle of Gaza, more than 150 Palestinians died over a four day period. The violence among Palestinians was described as a civil war by some commentators."PCHR Publishes 'Black Days in the Absence of Justice: Report on Bloody Fighting in the Gaza Strip from 7 to 14 June 2007.'" Palestinian Center for Human Rights. 9 October 2007 By 2007, more than 600 Palestinian people had died during the struggle between Hamas and Fatah."Over 600 Palestinians killed in internal clashes since 2006." Ynetnews. 6 June 2007. International status In the past, Israel has demanded control over border crossings between the Palestinian territories and Jordan and Egypt, and the right to set the import and export controls, asserting that Israel and the Palestinian territories are a single economic space. In the interim agreements reached as part of the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Authority has received control over cities (Area A) while the surrounding countryside has been placed under Israeli security and Palestinian civil administration (Area B) or complete Israeli control (Area C). Israel has built additional highways to allow Israelis to traverse the area without entering Palestinian cities. The initial areas under Palestinian Authority control are diverse and non-contiguous. The areas have changed over time because of subsequent negotiations, including Oslo II, Wye River and Sharm el-Sheik. According to Palestinians, the separated areas make it impossible to create a viable nation and fails to address Palestinian security needs; Israel has expressed no agreement to withdrawal from some Areas B, resulting in no reduction in the division of the Palestinian areas, and the institution of a safe pass system, without Israeli checkpoints, between these parts. Because of increased Palestinian violence to occupation this plan is in abeyance. Water resources In the Middle East, water resources are of great political concern. Since Israel receives much of its water from two large underground aquifers which continue under the Green Line, the use of this water has been contentious in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. But critics of this argument say that even though Israel withdraws some water from these areas, it also supplies the West Bank with approximately 40 MCM annually, contributing to 77% of Palestinians' water supply in the West Bank, which is to be shared for a population of about 2.3 million. While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, it still consumes the majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of the water output of the Western Aquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. Although this water was drawn entirely on Israel's own side of the pre-1967 border, the sources of the water are nevertheless from the shared groundwater basins located under both West Bank and Israel. In the treaty of the Oslo II Accord, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources." In so doing, the Palestinian Authority established the legality of Israeli water production in the West Bank. Moreover, Israel obligated itself in this agreement to provide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestinian drilling in the Eastern Aquifer. Many Palestinians counter that the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution and that it was not intended to remain in effect more than a decade later. Indeed its name is "The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement.""The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement - Annex I." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 5 September 1995. This agreement also established the right of the Palestinian Authority to explore and drill for natural gas, fuel and petroleum within its territory and territorial waters. It also delineated the major terms of conduct regarding regulations on the parties' facilities. Israel continues to honor its obligations under the Interim Agreement."The Water Issue in the West Bank and Gaza." Jewish Virtual Library. June 1999. Future and financing Numerous foreign nations and international organizations have established bilateral agreements with the Palestinian and Israeli water authorities. It is estimated that a future investment of about US$ 1.1 billion for the West Bank and US$ 0.8 billion is needed for the planning period from 2003 to 2015. In order to support and improve the water sector in the Palestinian territories, a number of bilateral and multilateral agencies have been supporting many different water and sanitation programs Israeli military occupation of the West Bank Occupied Palestinian Territory is the term used by the United Nations to refer to the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip—territories which were captured by Israel during the 1967 Six-Day War, having formerly been controlled by Egypt and Jordan."Disputed Territories—Forgotten Facts About the ..." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affiars. 1 February 2003. 11 October 2010. The Israeli government uses the term Disputed Territories, to indicate its position that some territories cannot be called occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and there was no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel acquired them in June 1967. The area is still referred to as Judea and Samaria by some Israeli groups, based on the historical regional names from ancient times. In 1980, Israel annexed East Jerusalem."Israel & the Palestinians: Key Maps." BBC News. 10 April 2007. Israel has never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "[t]ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" - the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See Interpretations. It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewish settlements), and the entire Gaza Strip must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State. However, the precise borders of this state are in question. At Camp David, for example, then-Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak offered Yasser Arafat an opportunity to establish an independent Palestinian State composed of 92% of the West Bank, Arab neighborhood of East Jerusalem, and the entire Gaza Strip and dismantling of most settlements. Yasser Arafat rejected the proposal without providing a counter-offer.Bard. "Myths & Facts - The Peace Process." Jewish Virtual Library. 12 October 2010. Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel says it is justified in not ceding all this land, because of security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion.Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 121-147. Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be. Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, have in the past insisted that Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel proper. For this reason, Hamas has viewed the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable".Sela. "Hamas." Sela. The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 335-342."The PLO's agreement to support the participation of a Palestinian delegation from the West Bank and Gaza Strip in the Madrid Peace Conferences in late October 1991 further fueled the tension between Fatah and Hamas, which embarked on an intensive campaign against the very idea of territorial compromise and peacemaking with the Jews, as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable" (339). Israeli settlements in the West Bank thumb|right|260px|A neighbourhood in Ariel, home to the Ariel University Center of Samaria, the largest Israeli public college According to DEMA, "In the years following the Six-Day War, and especially in the 1990s during the peace process, Israel re-established communities destroyed in 1929 and 1948 as well as established numerous new settlements in the West Bank.""Palestinian-Israeli Conflict." PDF. These settlements are, as of 2009, home to about 301,000 people.Garcia-Navarro, Lourdes. "Israeli Military Order Targets West Bank 'Infiltrators.'" NPR. 11 May 2010. 13 October 2010. DEMA added, "Most of the settlements are in the western parts of the West Bank, while others are deep into Palestinian territory, overlooking Palestinian cities. These settlements have been the site of much inter-communal conflict." The issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip, have been described by the UK"House of Commons - International Development - Second Report." United Kingdom Parliament. 2004. and the WEU"The Middle East and security in Europe." Assembly of WEU. 15 May 2001. as an obstacle to the peace process. The United Nations and the European Union have also called the settlements "illegal under international law.""SC/6332 : ISRAEL SHOULD RESCIND DECISION TO BUILD SETTLEMENT IN EAST JERUSALEM, SAY SPEAKERS IN SECURITY COUNCIL." United Nations. 6 March 1997."EU-Settlements' Watch." 1 February - 31 July 2002. p. 1. PDF. However, Israel disputes this;"Israel confirms settlement growth." BBC News. 21 March 2005. several scholars and commentators disagree with the assessment that settlements are illegal, citing in 2005 recent historical trends to back up their argument.Ettinger, Yoram. "Six reasons to settle." Ynetnews. 18 June 2005.Bard. "Myths & Facts - Settlements." Jewish Virtual Library. 9 July 2007.Dershowitz, Alan. 9 July 2007.Dershowitz. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. pp. 176-177 it has not changed the view of the international community and human rights organizations. As of 2006, 267,163 Israelis lived within the West Bank and East Jerusalem.Report: 12,400 new settlers in 2006. Tovah Lazaroff. Jerusalem Post. The establishment and expansion of these settlements in the West Bank and (at the time, the) Gaza Strip have been described as violations of the fourth Geneva Convention by the UN Security Council in several resolutions. The European Union EU Committee Report. and the General Assembly of the United Nations General Assembly 1998 vote consider the settlements to be illegal. Proponents of the settlements justify their legality using arguments based upon Article 2 and 49 of the fourth Geneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 242.Rostow, Eugene. Resolved: are the settlements legal? Israeli West Bank policies, The New Republic, October 21, 1991. On a practical level, some objections voiced by Palestinians are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, such as arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freely via local roads, owing to security considerations. 176-177 Those who justify the legality of the settlements use arguments based upon Articles 2 and 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 242.Jacob, Aaron. "Historical, Legal, and Political Aspects of Israeli Settlement Policy." American Jewish Committee. 18 June 2009. 13 October 2010. On a practical level, some objections voiced by Palestinians are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, such as arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freely via local roads, owing to security considerations.It has not changed the view of the international community and human rights organizations. In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, a proposal put forward by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was enacted. All Jewish residents in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and all residential buildings were demolished."Special Update: Disengagement - August 2005". Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israel retaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is based on a variety of considerations, such as: the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinian territorial claims, Remarks by Pres. Clinton, 1/7/01. (Full transcript available at: cnn transcript) Tony Blair press conference, 4/17/04, incl. comments on compromising on settlements, UK Foreign office, accessed 7/12/07 Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression, What Happened to Secure Borders for Israel?, by Dore Gold, jcpa.org and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement. Diplomatic and Legal Aspects of the Settlement Issue, by Jeffrey Helmreich, Institute for Contemporary Affairs, jcpa.org, accessed 7/11/07. <p> President George Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines, due to "new realities on the ground. Israel 'to keep some settlements', BBC, 4/12/05. All residents of Jewish settlements in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and all residential buildings were demolished."Disengagement - August 2005." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 15 August 2005. Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israel retaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is based on a variety of considerations, such as, the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinian territorial claims.Excerpt: Clinton, Bill. "The 'Clinton Parameters.'" Jewish Virtual Library. 7 January 2001. Full transcript: "Transcript of Clinton's remarks to the Israel Policy Forum gala." CNN.com International. Cable News Network. 8 January 2010. Web. 15 October 2010. Transcript."Prime Minister Affirms 'Total Resolve and Determination' to Supporting Iraq." British Foreign & Commonwealth Office. 16 April 2004. Web. 7 December 2007. Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression,Gold. "'What Happened to Secure Borders for Israel? The U.S., Israel, and the Strategic Jordan Valley' by Dore Gold." Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. 23 June 2000. and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement."Israeli Settlements and International Law." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 20 May 2001. 18 December 2007. Scroll down to paragraph which begins "Politically, the West Bank and Gaza Strip is best regarded as...."Gold, Dore. "From 'Occupied Territories' to 'Disputed Territories,' by Dore Gold." Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. 16 January 2002. 29 September 2005. Former US President George W. Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines because of "new realities on the ground.""Israel 'to keep some settlements.'" BBC News. 12 April 2005. One of the main compromise plans put forth by the Clinton Administration would have allowed Israel to keep some settlements in the West Bank, especially those which were in large blocs near the pre-1967 borders of Israel. In return, Palestinians would have received some concessions of land in other parts of the country. Review of Dennis Ross book, BY RAY HANANIA, hanania.com, 8/16/04, accessed 7/11/07. Israeli security Without the West Bank, Israel would be only nine miles across at its narrowest point, close to its greatest population center.http://focusonjerusalem.com/newsroom72.html Many fear that this would leave it vulnerable to any future attacks by an Arab alliance. Moreover, such an army would be fighting from the higher ground of the West Bank,http://www.grantjeffrey.com/article/rusisrl.htm and would find its invasion made easier, since it would not have to cross the Jordan River. The threat of Qassam rockets fired from the Palestinian Territories into Israel is also of great concern. In 2006--the year following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip--the Israeli government recorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the total rockets fired in 2005. Many Israelis see this as evidence that greater Palestinian autonomy necessarily comes at the expense of Israel's ability to defend itself against threats from the Palestinian territories. Contrarily, many maintain that Israeli concessions will result in reduced friction between Israelis and Palestinians, and that this will in turn bring about a reduction of violence. The division of resources Palestinians note, as one of their most central concerns, that their society must be given land and resources with enough contiguity to give them a viable society, and that they must therefore not be forced to give up too many resources to Israel, as this may cause economic collapse. In the Middle East, water is a resource of great political concern. Since Israel receives much of its water from two large aquifers which are sprawled across Green Line, the use of this water has been contentious in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since some of the wells used to draw this water lie within the Palestinian Authority areas, there are many who question the legality of using their water for Israeli needs."Geography of Water Resources." Princeton University. http://www.wws.princeton.edu/wws401c/geography.html"What about water issues? Is Israel using Palestinian water?" Palestine Facts. http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_water.php"Does Israel Use 'Palestinian' Water?" Camera Backgrounder. July, 2001. http://world.std.com/~camera/docs/backg/water.html But critics of this argument point out that even though Israel withdraws some water from these areas, it also supplies the West Bank with 40 MCMs--77% of its consumption. While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, it still consumes the vast majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of the water output of the Western Aquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. This water was drawn entirely on Israel's own side of the pre-1967 border. By 1999, these numbers had declined to 82% and 80%, respectively. Finally, Israel cites the Oslo II Accord. In this treaty, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources." In so doing, the Palestinian Authority established unequivocally the legality of Israeli water production in the West Bank. Moreover, Israel obligated itself in this agreement to provide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestinian drilling in the Eastern Aquifer. Many Palestinians counter that the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution, and that it was not intended to remain in effect more than a decade later. Indeed its name is "The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement."The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement - Annex I. Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. September 5, 1995. This agreement also established the right of the Palestinian Authority to explore and drill for natural gas, fuel and petroleum within its territory and territorial waters. It also delineated the major terms of conduct regarding regulations on the parties' facilities. House demolition in the occupied territories A factor in the ongoing conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians is the demolition of homes in the areas conquered in the 1967 Six-Day War. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have demolished and continue to demolish Palestinian homes in the occupied territories. The reasons for these demolitions are a subject of heated dispute.Update to Amnesty International’s briefing to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Amnesty International, 1 February 2007. Israel justifies the demolition of Palestinian homes on the grounds of deterrence against alleged terrorists and their families and as a means of counter-terrorism and as self-defense to protect Israeli citizens.Yaacov Lozowick (2004): "Right to Exist: A Moral Defense of Israel's Wars" ISBN 1400032431. p.260"Israel limits house demolitions." BBC News 17 February 2005. 24 September 2007. Human Rights groups such as Amnesty International oppose the demolitions claiming they are in violation of international law, and accuse the Israelis of Collective punishment against innocent Palestinians and annexation of Palestinian land for the benefit of Israeli settlementsIsrael and the Occupied Territories Under the rubble: House demolition and destruction of land and property. Amnesty International, 18 May 2004.Through No Fault of Their Own: Israel's Punitive House Demolitions in the al-Aqsa Intifada. B'Tselem. Current status The Oslo peace process obligated both sides to work towards a two-state solution, as noted above. However, during the process itself, there were numerous acts of violence by both sides. Israelis claimed they were acting only in response to Palestinian acts of terrorism. Palestinians claimed they were only carrying out legitimate resistance, against numerous violations by Israel of Palestinian rights, and political sovereignty. In addition, during this process, both sides expressed dissatisfaction and grievances with the other side. The main Israeli allegation was that Palestinians were actively inciting and funding terrorism against Israel. The main Palestinian complaint was that Israel was repeatedly violating Palestinian rights, which made it pointless to attempt to persuade ordinary Palestinians to accept Israel. In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, prompting the United States and many European countries to cut off all funds to the Palestinian Authority. The US cited three conditions that the Palestinian government would need to satisfy for a resumption of aid: an end to violence, recognition of Israel, and adherence to the Road Map for Peace. Palestinian critics stated that the US and Israel themselves complied with none of these conditions, and that Israel's support of the Road Map was accompanied by 14 reservations which, they say, drain it of its substance. Furthermore, they assert that Israeli violence against Palestinians continues without discussion. Israel states that its recent military operations are in response to Hamas's frequent rocket attacks from Gaza into Sderot, and on other Israeli cities. In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to unite their respective parties, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. There remained much debate as to whether the PNA was now a credible negotiating authority, and whether sanctions should be lifted. When the Fatah-Hamas coalition collapsed, and the two parties engaged in a physical conflict, the debate changed to whether the newly separated Fatah was a credible negotiating partner. In June 2007 Hamas militarily defeated Fatah in the Gaza Strip in response to attacks which critics of Fatah said were an overthrow and possible coup attempt funded and assisted by the United States, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, engineered by US National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy Elliott Abrams and executed by Fatah militants, led by Mohammed Dalan. The various forces affiliated with Fatah engaged in combat with Hamas, in numerous gun battles. Most Fatah leaders escaped to Egypt and the West Bank, and some were captured and killed. Fatah remained in control of the West Bank, and President Abbas formed a new governing coalition, which some critics of Fatah said subverts the Palestinian Constitution and excludes the majority government of Hamas. The current policy of Israel, the United States, and several allied governments, is to censure Hamas for its non-recognition of Israel, and to assist and deal with President Abbas and Fatah, in support of their stance in favor of recognition of Israel. It is the position of the UN, the International Criminal Court, and a vast majority of the international community that Israel and the Palestinians should come to a peaceful resolution based on international laws, UN Resolutions, reciprocal recognition of self-determination and human rights. Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties One State Solution Paris Peace Conference, 1919 Faisal-Weizmann Agreement (1919) 1949 Armistice Agreements Camp David Accords (1978) Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979) Madrid Conference of 1991 Oslo Accords (1993) Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994) Camp David 2000 Summit History of the Arab-Israeli conflict Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs List of Middle East peace proposals International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict See also Geography Palestine Geography of Israel Israeli Settlements General background and information History of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Ideology and ideas Criticism of religion Islamism Jewish state Pan-Arabism Proposals for a Palestinian state Zionism Elements of the conflict Children and minors in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Child suicide bombers in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Palestinian political violence Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Peace organizations in the region OneVoice Movement (non-partisan) Peace Now (left wing) Seeds of Peace (neutral) Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (left wing) Documentaries At the Green Line Death In Gaza Occupation 101PromisesRelentless: The Struggle for Peace in the Middle EastThe Land of the Settlers...more films References Further reading General History Bregman, Ahron (2002). Israel's Wars: A History Since 1947. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-28716-2 Bregman, Ahron Elusive Peace: How the Holy Land Defeated America. Bard, Mitchell. The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict. 2nd ed. (Alpha, 2002), ISBN 0-02-864410-7 Bickerton, Ian J. and Carla L. Klausner. A Concise History of the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 4th ed. (Prentice Hall, 2001), ISBN 0-13-090303-5 Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. The Palestine-Israeli Conflict: A Beginner's Guide (Oneworld Publications, 2003), ISBN 1-85168-332-1 David, Ron. Arabs & Israel for Beginners (Writers and Readers Publishing, Inc. 1996), ISBN 0-86316-161-8 Dowty, Alan. Israel/Palestine (Polity, 2005), ISBN 0-7456-3202-5 Fraser, T. G. The Arab–Israeli Conflict. 2nd ed. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), ISBN 1-4039-1338-2 Gelvin, James L. The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 0521618045 Harms, Gregory with Todd M. Ferry. The Palestine-Israel Conflict: A Basic Introduction (Pluto Press, 2005), ISBN 0-7453-2378-2 Hirst, David. The Gun and the Olive Branch. 3rd ed. (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-483-1 Hurewitz, J. C. The Struggle for Palestine (Shocken Books, 1976), [out of print] Khouri, Fred J. The Arab–Israeli Dilemma. 3rd ed. (Syracuse University Press, 1985), ISBN 0-8156-2340-2 Morris, Benny. Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist–Arab Conflict, 1881–2001 (Vintage Books, 2001), ISBN 0-679-74475-4 Mandel, Neville J. The Arabs and Zionism Before World War I (University of California Press, 1976), [out of print] Roraback, Amanda. Palestine in a Nutshell or Israel in a Nutshell (Enisen Publishing, 2004), ISBN 0-9702908-4-5 Safran, Nadav. Israel: The Embattled Ally (The Belknap Press, Harvard, 1978), [out of print] Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121. Smith, Charles D. Palestine and the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 5th ed. (Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2004), ISBN 0-312-40408-5 Sykes, Christopher. Crossroads to Israel (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1965), [out of print] Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4 Thomas, Baylis. How Israel Was Won (Lexington Books, 1999), ISBN 0-7391-0064-5 Wasserstein, Bernard. Israelis and Palestinians (Yale University Press, 2003), ISBN 0-300-10172-4 Analytical / Focused Carey, Roane, ed. The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid (Verso, 2001), ISBN 1-85984-377-8 Chomsky, Noam. The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians. Rev. ed. (South End Press, 1999), ISBN 0-89608-187-7. Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel (John Wiley & Sons, 2004), ISBN 0-471-67952-6 Enderlin, Charles. Shattered Dreams: The Failure of the Peace Process in the Middle East, 1995-2002 (Other Press, 2003), ISBN 1-59051-060-7 Falk, Avner Fratricide in the Holy Land: A Psychoanalytic View of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. University of Wisconsin Press, 2004, ISBN 0-299-20250-X Finkelstein, Norman. Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict. 2nd ed. (Verso, 2003), ISBN 1-85984-442-1 2nd ed. introduction Flapan, Simha. The Birth of Israel: Myth and Realities (Pantheon Books, 1987),[out of print] Flapan, Simha. Zionism and the Palestinians (Croom Helm, 1979), [out of print] Green, Stephen. Taking Sides: America's Secret Relations with a Militant Israel (William Morrow and Co., Inc., 1984), [out of print] Maniscalco, Fabio. Protection, conservation and valorisation of Palestinian Cultural Patrimony (Massa Publisher, 2005), ISBN 88-87835-62-4 Martin, Dom. COEXISTENCE: Humanity's Wailing Wall TransGalactic Publications, 2006, ISBN 0-9616078-8-2 Pappe, Ilan, ed. The Israel/Palestine Question (Routledge, 1999), ISBN 0-415-16948-8 Pearlman, Wendy. Occupied Voices: Stories of Everyday Life from the Second Intifada (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-530-7 Quandt, William B. Peace Process. 3rd ed. (Brookings Institution Press, 2005), ISBN 0-520-24631-4 Reinhart, Tanya. Israel/Palestine: How to End the War of 1948 (Seven Stories Press, 2002), ISBN 1-58322-538-2 Ross, Dennis. The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), ISBN 0-374-19973-6 Safran, Nadav. The United States and Israel, ISBN 0-674-92490-8 [out of print] Said, Edward W. The Question of Palestine (Vintage Books, 1992), ISBN 0-679-73988-2 Salinas, Moises. Planting Hatred, Sowing Pain: The Psychology of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Greenwood-Praeger Publishers, 2007), ISBN 0-275-99005-2 Selby, Jan (2003). Water, Power and Politics in the Middle East: The Other Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 1860649343 Shipler, David K. Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land. Rev. ed. (Penguin Books, 2002), ISBN 0-14-200229-1 Swisher, Clayton E. The Truth About Camp David (Nation Books, 2004), ISBN 1-56025-623-0 Tilley, Virginia. The One-State Solution'', (University of Michigan Press, May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138 Peace proposals A Comparison Of Three Drafts For An Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement External links Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources) Plan of Israeli—Palestinian Resolution. A Conclusive Arrangement. Israeli-Palestinian ProCon.org Pros and Cons of hundreds of issues related to the conflict. The current US administration views a complete freeze of construction in settlements on the West Bank as a critical step toward peace. In May and June 2009, President Barack Obama said, "The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements,"Obama, Barack. "Remarks by the President at Cairo University, 6-04-09." The White House. 4 June 2009. Web. 15 October 2010. and the Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, stated that the President "wants to see a stop to settlements — not some settlements, not outposts, not ‘natural growth’ exceptions.”Landler, Mark and Isabel Kershner. "Israeli Settlement Growth Must Stop, Clinton Says." The New York Times. 27 May 2009. Actions toward stabilizing the conflict In response to a weakening trend in Palestinian violence and growing economic and security cooperation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the Israeli military has removed over 120 check points in 2010 and plans on disengaging from major Palestinian population areas. According to the IDF, terrorist activity in the West Bank decreased by 97% compared to violence in 2002."2009 W.Bank terror activity down by 97% compared to 2002." Jerusalem Post. July 10, 2010. PA-Israel efforts in the West Bank have "significantly increased investor confidence", and the Palestinian economy grew 6.8% in 2009."PA security forces seize 17 bombs, transfer them to IDF." Jerusalem Post. 4 November 2010.Lazaroff. "Route 443 opens to Palestinians." Jerusalem Post. 28 May 2010."UN: Israel has dismantled 20 percent of West Bank checkpoint." Jerusalem Post. 16 June 2010.Katz, Yaakov. "Israel sets up trial program to expedite PA export process." Jerusalem Post. 10 March 2010."World Bank report: PA economy needs more private investment." Jerusalem Post. 13 April 2010. 200px|thumb|right|Bank of Palestine Since the Second Intifada, Jewish Israelis have been banned from entering Palestinian cities. However, Israeli Arabs are allowed to enter West Bank cities on weekends. The Palestinian Authority has petitioned the Israeli military to allow Jewish tourists to visit West Bank cities as "part of an effort" to improve the Palestinian economy. Israeli general Avi Mizrahi spoke with Palestinian security officers while touring malls and soccer fields in the West Bank. Mizrahi gave permission to allow Israeli tour guides into Bethlehem, a move intended to "contribute to the Palestinian and Israeli economies."Katz. "IDF mulls entry to West Bank cities by Jewish Israelis." Jerusalem Post. 14 July 2010. Mutual recognition The Oslo peace process was based upon Israel ceding authority to the Palestinians to run their own political and economic affairs. In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people. Despite Yasser Arafat's official renunciation of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity.Dershowitz. The Case for Israel. p. 3. Palestinians state that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist. One of Israel's major reservations in regards to granting Palestinian sovereignty is its concern that there is not genuine public support by Palestinians for co-existence and elimination of terrorism and incitement."Hamas’ Mickey Mouse teaches children to hate and kill." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 10 May 2007. 12 February 2007"Palestinian Incitement of Suicide Bombings." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 18 May 2001.Livni, Tzipi. "Address by FM Livni to the Paris Donors Conference." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 17 December 2007. Scroll down to paragraph beginning, "This is neither...." Some Palestinian groups, notably Fatah, the political party founded by PLO leaders, claim they are willing to foster co-existence if Palestinians are steadily given more political rights and autonomy, however, in 2010, even Fatah leaders leaders such as Mahmoud Abbas and Saeb Erekat refused to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.Oren, Michael B. "An End to Israel’s Invisibility." New York Times. 13 October 2010. 14 October 2010. In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, where it remains the majority party. Hamas has openly stated in the past that it completely opposed Israel's right to exist, and its charter states this."Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah & Hamas." BBC News. 17 June 2007. Israel cites past concessions—such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August 2005, which did not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel—as an example of the Palestinian people not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namely B'Tselem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli government still retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israeli control. They also say that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the Gaza Strip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal. Government The Palestinian Authority is considered corrupt by a wide variety of sources, including some Palestinians.Sela. "Palestinian Authority." Sela. The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 673-679.Bard. Will Israel Survive? New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.Massad, Joseph. "The (Anti-) Palestinian Authority." Al Ahram Weekly. 15–21 June 2006. 8 May 2008. Some Israelis argue that it provides tacit support for extremists via its relationship with Hamas and other Islamic terrorist movements, and that therefore it is unsuitable for governing any putative Palestinian state or (especially according to the right wing of Israeli politics), even negotiating about the character of such a state. Because of that, a number of organizations, including the previously ruling Likud party, declared they would not accept a Palestinian state based on the current PA. Societal attitudes Societal attitudes in both Israel and Palestine are a source of concern to those promoting dispute resolution. Some Israelis are concerned that key Palestinian leaders have promoted incitement against and overall non-acceptance of Israel, including promotion of violence against Israel.Israel Foreign Ministry: Behind the Headlines: Hamas’ Mickey Mouse teaches children to hate and kill - Israeli Min of Foreign Affairs website, accessed 2/12/07. Gaza blockade According to Oxfam, because of an import-export ban imposed on Gaza in 2007, 95% of Gaza’s industrial operations were suspended. Out of 35,000 people employed by 3,900 factories in June 2005, only 1,750 people remained employed by 195 factories in June 2007. By 2010, Gaza's unemployment rate had risen to 40% with 80% of the population living on less than 2 dollars a day.Kenyon, Peter. "As World Focuses On Gaza, Grim Lives Go On." NPR. 4 June 2010. The Israeli Government's cut in the flow of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip has also been called collective punishment. Jeremy Hobbs, director of Oxfam International, called on Israel “immediately [to] lift its inhumane and illegal siege.”"Israel’s blockade poses immediate threat to the lives of Gaza’s sick and elderly, says Oxfam." Oxfam International. 25 January 2008. The Israeli governments argues it is justified under international law to impose a blockade on an enemy for security reasons. The power to impose a naval blockade is established under customary international law and Laws of armed conflict."Position paper on the naval blockade on Gaza." 8 September 2010. The Military Advocate General of Israel has provided numerous reasonings for the policy: "The State of Israel has been engaged in an ongoing armed conflict with terrorist organizations operating in the Gaza strip. This armed conflict has intensified after Hamas violently took over Gaza, in June 2007, and turned the territory under its de-facto control into a launching pad of mortar and rocket attacks against Israeli towns and villages in southern Israel.""Interception of the Gaza flotilla-Legal aspects." Starting February 7, 2008, the Israeli Government reduced the electricity it sells directly to Gaza. This follows the ruling of Israel’s High Court of Justice’s decision, which held, with respect to the amount of industrial fuel supplied to Gaza, that, “The clarification that we made indicates that the supply of industrial diesel fuel to the Gaza Strip in the winter months of last year was comparable to the amount that the Respondents now undertake to allow into the Gaza Strip. This fact also indicates that the amount is reasonable and sufficient to meet the vital humanitarian needs in the Gaza Strip.” Palestinian militants killed two Israelis in the process of delivering fuel to the Nahal Oz fuel depot."Murder at the border." Jerusalem Post. 9 April 2008. 17 April 2008. With regard to Israel’s plan, the Court stated that, “calls for a reduction of five percent of the power supply in three of the ten power lines that supply electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip, to a level of 13.5 megawatts in two of the lines and 12.5 megawatts in the third line, we [the Court] were convinced that this reduction does not breach the humanitarian obligations imposed on the State of Israel in the framework of the armed conflict being waged between it and the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip. Our conclusion is based, in part, on the affidavit of the Respondents indicating that the relevant Palestinian officials stated that they can reduce the load in the event limitations are placed on the power lines, and that they had used this capability in the past." On June 20, 2010, Israel's Security Cabinet approved a new system governing the blockade that would allow practically all non-military or dual-use items to enter the Gaza strip. According to a cabinet statement, Israel would "expand the transfer of construction materials designated for projects that have been approved by the Palestinian Authority, including schools, health institutions, water, sanitation and more – as well as (projects) that are under international supervision." Despite the easing of the land blockade, Israel will continue to inspect all goods bound for Gaza by sea at the port of Ashdod. Palestinian army The Israeli Cabinet issued a statement"Israeli Cabinet Statement on Road Map and 14 Reservations." Jewish Virtual Library. 8 April 2008. expressing that it does not wish the Palestinians to build up an army capable of offensive operations, considering that the only party against which such an army could be turned in the near future is Israel itself. However, Israel has already allowed for the creation of a Palestinian police that can conduct police operations and also carry out limited-scale warfare. Palestinians have argued that the Israel Defense Forces, a large and modern armed force, poses a direct and pressing threat to the sovereignty of any future Palestinian state, making a defensive force for a Palestinian state a matter of necessity. To this, Israelis claim that signing a treaty while building an army is a show of bad intentions. Since 2006, the United States has been training, equipping, and funding the Palestinian Authority's security forces, which have been cooperating with Israel at unprecedented levels in the West Bank to quell supporters of Hamas, the main Palestinian Islamist group that opposes direct negotiations with Israel. The United States government has spent over 500 million building and training the Palestinian National Security Forces and Presidential Guard. The IDF believes the US-trained forces will soon be capable of "overrunning small IDF outposts and isolated Israeli communities" in the event of a conflict.Glick, Caroline B. "Column One: Israel’s American-made foes." Jerusalem Post. 8 June 2010. Events since December 2009 In December 2009, the Israeli government ordered a 10-month lull in permits for new settlement homes in the West Bank. The restrictions, which Israeli politicians and media have referred to as a "freeze", do not apply to East Jerusalem (whose annexation by Israel is not recognised internationally), municipal buildings, schools, synagogues and other community infrastructure in the settlements. About 3,000 homes already under construction will be allowed to proceed. The Israeli government said the move was aimed at restarting peace talks, but Palestinian officials said it was insufficient. Palestinian officials had refused to rejoin peace talks unless a total building halt was imposed, including in East Jerusalem. The announcement followed calls by the US government for a total freeze in settlement building. The US government, the European Union, Russia and the UN criticized Israel's plans to continue building in East Jerusalem, but both the US and the EU stated that neither the Palestinians nor Israel should have preconditions for resuming the suspended peace talks. A renewed effort to negotiate peace was initiated by United States President Barack Obama in 2010. Despite prevalent scepticism, President Obama indicated in a speech to the United Nations on September 23, 2010 that he is hopeful of a diplomatic peace within one year.Lee, Matthew. "Obama urges UN to unite in pursuing Israeli-Palestinian peace deal." The Globe and Mail. 24 September 2010. Israeli leaders rejected demands to extend the 10-month moratorium on settlement construction which expired on September 27 at midnight. Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman rebuffed claims that the renewal of West Bank settlement construction was a provocative move meant to torpedo the peace talks. Lieberman said the Palestinians failed to accept the gesture of the moratorium for nine months and "now they are pressuring Israel to continue the very freeze they rejected." Lieberman said Israel was ready to enter peace talks with no preconditions.Keinon, Herb. "PM silent amid world criticism of moratorium’s end." Jerusalem Post. 28 September 2010. Mohamed Abbas threatened to abandon the negotiations if settlement construction was renewed. He said "Israel has a moratorium for 10 months and it should be extended for three to four months more to give peace a chance."Heller, Jeffrey and John Irish. "Israeli settlement freeze ends, peace talks in balance." Reuters.com. 27 September 2010. Thirteen Palestinian militant groups led by Hamas initiated a violent campaign to disrupt peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. A series of attacks killed and wounded eight Israelis, including two pregnant women, between August and September 2010. Khaled Mashaal said Hamas will continue to "kill illegal settlers on our land.""Mashaal: We'll continue to 'kill illegal settlers.'" Jerusalem Post. 27 September 2010. On September 28, 2010, two Palestinian militants were killed by an IDF drone after attempting to launch rockets from the central Gaza Strip."IDF kills two terrorists attempting to fire rockets at Israel." Jerusalem Post. 28 September 2010. In December 2010, Palestinian spokesmen rejected Binyamin Netanyahu's attempt to reach a "interim agreement" that did not cover borders or refugees."Netanyanhu proposal 'unacceptable'." Al Jazeera, 28 December 2010. Fatalities 1948-present A variety of studies provide differing casualty data for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 13,000 Israelis and Palestinians were killed in conflict with each other between 1948 and 1997.Twentieth Century Atlas - Death Tolls." RCN D.C. Metro. December 2005. However, other ranges have been given, including 14,500 killed between 1948-2009."All wars in the 20th century." The Polynational War Memorial. Palestinian fatalities during the 1982 Lebanon War were 2,000 PLO combatants killed in armed conflict with Israel.White, Matthew. "WebCite query result." WebCite. 2005. + Civilian casualty figures for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from B'tselem and Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1987 to 2010Data tabulated from "B'Tselem - Statistics - Fatalities in the first Intifada." B'Tselem."Fatal Terrorist Attacks in Israel Since the Declaration of Principles." Jewish Virtual Library. 31 August 2010."Fatal Terrorist Attacks in Israel Since the DOP (Sept 1993)." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 24 September 2000."The Intrafada: Palestinians Killed by Palestinians." Jewish Virtual Library.(numbers in parentheses represent casualties under age 18) Year Deaths Palestinians Israelis 2010 42 (5) 9 (0) 2008-2009 1457 (355) 44 (5) 2007 396 (43) 13 (0) 2006 678 (127) 25 (2) 2005 216 (52) 48 (6) 2004 828 (179) 108 (8) 2003 588 (119) 185 (21) 2002 1032 (157) 419 (47) 2001 467 (82) 192 (36)2000 295 (85) 43 (0)1999 9 (0) 4 (0)1998 28 (3) 12 (0)1997 21 (5) 29 (3)1996 74 (11) 75 (8)1995 45 (5) 46 (0)1994 152 (24) 74 (2)1993 180 (41) 61 (0)1992 138 (23) 34 (1)1991 104 (27) 19 (0)1990 145 (25) 22 (0)1989 305 (83) 31 (1)1988 310 (50) 12 (3)1987 22 (5) 0 (0) Total 7506 (1449) 1540 (142) Note: Figures includes 1,593 Palestinian fatalities attributed to intra-Palestinian violence. Figures do not include the 600 Palestinians killed by other Palestinians in the Gaza Strip since 2006. ef> + Demographic percentages for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict according to Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs from September 2000 until the end of July 2007."Israeli-Palestinian Fatalities Since 2000 - Key Trends." United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. August 2007. PDF. Belligerent Combatant Civilian Male Female Children Children Male Children Female Palestinian 41% 59% 94% 6% 20% 87% 13% Israeli 31% 69% 69% 31% 12% Not available Not available Note: It is considerably more difficult to distinguish precisely who amongst those Palestinians killed were civilians. Numerous pro-Israel organizations as well as the Israeli army claim the majority of Palestinians killed in armed conflict were combat-age males. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for the occupied Palestinian territory (OCHAoPt) "was established in late 2000" by the United Nations."OCHA oPt. UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs." United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 18 October 2010. The office monitors the conflict and presents figures relating to both internal-violence and direct conflict clashes. + Partial casualty figures for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the OCHAoPt"The Humanitarian Monitor." United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. December 2007. PDF. Tables on pages 5 and 7, all numbers refer to casualties of the direct conflict as defined therein (page 23).(numbers in parentheses represent casualties under age 18) Year Deaths Injuries Palestinians Israelis Palestinians Israelis 2008-26.12.08Data tabulated from "B'Tselem - Statistics - Fatalities." B'Tselem. Note that the data may change due to ongoing research, which produces new information about the events. 464 (87) 31 (4) 2007 396 (43) 13 (0) 1843 (265) 322 (3) 2006 678 (127) 25 (2) 3194 (470) 377 (7) 2005 216 (52) 48 (6) 1260 (129) 484 (4) Total 1754 (309) 117 (12) 6297 (864) 1183 (14) All numbers refer to casualties of direct conflict between Israelis and Palestinians including in IDF military operations, artillery shelling, search and arrest campaigns, Barrier demonstrations, targeted killings, settler violence etc. The figures do not include events indirectly related to the conflict such as casualties from unexploded ordnance, etc., or events when the circumstances remain unclear or are in dispute. The figures include all reported casualties of all ages and both genders. Figures include both Israeli civilians and security forces casualties in West Bank, Gaza and Israel. Criticism of casualty statistics in the Second Intifada As reported by the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, since September 29, 2000 a total of 7,454 Palestinian and Israeli individuals were killed due to the conflict. According to the report, 1,317 of the 6,371 Palestinians were minors, and at least 2,996 did not participate in fighting at time of death. Palestinians killed 1,083 Israelis, including 741 civilians. 124 of those killed were minors."B'Tselem: Since 2000, 7,454 Israelis, Palestinians killed." Jerusalem Post. 27 September 2010. The International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism criticized the methodology of Palestinian-based rights groups, including B'tselem, and questioned their accuracy in classifying civilian/combatant ratios.Mor, Avi, et al. "Casualties in Operation Cast Lead: A closer look." Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya. 2009. PDF."B'Tselem: 773 of Palestinians killed in Cast Lead were civilians." Ynetnews. 9 September 2009. In a study published by Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, Elihu D. Richter and Dr. Yael Stein examined B'tselem methods in calculating casualties during Operation Cast Lead. They argue that B'tselem's report contains "errors of omission, commission and classification bias which result in overestimates of the ratio of non-combatants to combatants."Richter, Elihu D. and Yael Stein. [http://spme.net/cgi-bin/articles.cgi?ID=5980 "Comments on B'Tselem's Civilian Casualty Estimates in Operation Cast Lead." Scholars for Peace in the Middle East. 13 September 2009. Stein and Richter claim the high male/female ratios among Palestinians, including those in their mid- to late- teens, "suggests that the IDF classifications are combatant and non-combatant status are probably far more accurate than those of B’Tselem." + Casualty figures for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the 1936-1939 Great Arab Revolt Source Cited by Deaths Palestinian Arabs Palestinian Jews Arnon-Ohana, 1982, 140 Morris, Righteous Victims p 159. 4,500 Various Morris, Righteous Victims p 159. 3,000 to 6,000 several hundred These figures represent deaths caused by the Palestinian uprising against the British mandatory government in Palestine, and include those killed by the British. Land mine and explosive remnants of war casualties A comprehensive collection mechanism to gather land mine and explosive remnants of war (ERW) casualty data does not exist for the Palestinian territories. In 2009, the United Nations Mine Action Centre reported that more than 2,500 mine and explosive remnants of war casualties occurred between 1967 and 1998, at least 794 casualties (127 killed, 654 injured and 13 unknown) occurred between 1999 to 2008 and that 12 people have been killed and 27 injured since the Gaza War. The UN Mine Action Centre identified the main risks as coming from "ERW left behind by Israeli aerial and artillery weapon systems, or from militant caches targeted by the Israeli forces." There are at least 15 confirmed minefields in the West Bank on the border with Jordan. The Palestinian National Security Forces do not have maps or records of the minefields. See also Diplomacy and treaties List of Middle East peace proposals One State Solution Paris Peace Conference, 1919 Faisal-Weizmann Agreement (1919) 1949 Armistice Agreements Camp David Accords (1978) Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979) Madrid Conference of 1991 Oslo Accords (1993) Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994) Camp David 2000 Summit Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict List of modern conflicts in the Middle East Geography Palestine Geography of Israel Israeli Settlements General background and information History of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Bibliography of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Media coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict Ideology and ideas Zionism Pan-Arabism Proposals for a Palestinian state Jewish state Israel and the apartheid analogy Racism in the Palestinian territories Middle East economic integration Elements of the conflict Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Palestinian political violence Children and minors in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Fatah–Hamas conflict Peace organizations in the region OneVoice Movement (non-partisan) Peace Now (left wing) Seeds of Peace (neutral) Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions Documentaries At the Green Line Death In Gaza Occupation 101PromisesRelentless: The Struggle for Peace in the Middle EastThe Land of the Settlers'' ...more films References Further reading External links United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - occupied Palestinian territory United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources) Gaza\Sderot : Life in spite of everything - a webdocumentary produced by arte.tv, in which daily video-chronicles (2 min. each) show the life of 5 people (men, women, children) in Gaza and Sderot, on both sides of the border. Global Politician - Middle-East Section Middle East Policy Council The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Aix Group - Joint Palestinian-Israeli-international economic working group. The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict--An overview of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians from 1948 through the present day. From the History Guy Website. The Media Line - A non-profit news agency which provides credible, unbiased content, background and context from across the Middle East. Inter Press Service - Israel-Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War Independent coverage of the Middle East conflicts Conflict resolution groups OneVoice Movement - One Million Voices to End the Conflict Human rights groups Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine B'Tselem - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories Al-Haq: Palestinian Human Rights Group: West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists Palestinian Centre for Human Rights: Gaza affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel The Jewish History Resource Center, Project of the Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem MidEastWeb.org A Timeline of Israeli-Palestinian history and the conflict A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict Current breakdown of fatalities in conflict - Institute for Counter-Terrorism Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Jerusalem Pro-Israel advocacy and watchdog sites Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs Palestinian Violence and Terrorism Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America Palestine Facts Eretz Yisroel: A comprehensive collection of news, articles and book excerpts Jewish Virtual Library Palestinian Maps Omitting Israel and Maps of "Palestine" as a means to instill fundamentally negative messages regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Myths and facts online: a guide to the Arab-Israeli Conflict Honest Reporting UK monitoring mideast media Gamla shall not fall again NAAMZ, Revisionist Zionist group True Peace - Chabad-Lubavitch site Pro-Palestinian advocacy and watchdog sites UN Security Council Resolutions Against Israel 1955-1992 International Solidarity Movement; includes an extensive collection of links to its affiliates and to other similar organizations Palestine Solidarity Campaign UK Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign Palestinian Campaign for the Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel Palestine Media Watch Electronic Intifada Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites The Other Israel, newsletter of the Israeli peace movement since 1983 http://israelipalestinianpeace.org The Other Israel, online archive under construction] "Barak's Generous offer" from Gush Shalom. Inter Press Service - Israel-Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War Independent coverage of the Middle East conflicts Conflict resolution groups OneVoice Movement - One Million Voices to End the Conflict Seeking Common Ground Human rights groups Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine B'Tselem - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories Al-Haq: Palestinian Human Rights Group: West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists Palestinian Centre for Human Rights PCHR: Gaza affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists Gush-Shalom: Gush-Shalom Israeli Peace Movement Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel The Jewish History Resource Center, Project of the Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem MidEastWeb.org A Timeline of Israeli-Palestinian history and the conflict A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict Current breakdown of fatalities in conflict - Institute for Counter-Terrorism Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Pro-Israel advocacy and watchdog sites Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs Palestinian Violence and Terrorism Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America Palestine Facts Eretz Yisroel: A comprehensive collection of news, articles and book excerpts Jewish Virtual Library Palestinian Maps Omitting Israel and Maps of "Palestine" as a means to instill fundamentally negative messages regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Myths and facts online: a guide to the Arab-Israeli Conflict Honest Reporting monitoring mideast media Gamla shall not fall again True Peace - Chabad-Lubavitch site Pro-Palestinian advocacy and watchdog sites Palestine Solidarity Campaign UK Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign Palestinian Campaign for the Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel Palestine Media Watch Electronic Intifada Palestine Solidarity Project Palestinian grassroots organizing and reporting. Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites "Barak's Generous offer" from Gush Shalom. Macromedia Flash version The Origin of the Palestine - Israel Conflict, Published by Jews for Justice in the Middle East Background to the Israel-Palestine Crisis--Q & A format overview by Stephen Shalom, who teaches political science at William Paterson University in New Jersey. Occupation Magazine Other sites: century-intifada-israel-palestine-aufheben Behind the 21st Century Intifada - an analysis of Israel/Palestine - a leftist, working-class history of the conflict axisglobe.com a Russian perspective site Arabs and Israelis held hostage by a common enemy Salom Now! And METalks are two experimental initiatives which sought to rewrite the script of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Other sites: Arabs and Israelis held hostage by a common enemy Salom Now! And METalks are two experimental initiatives which sought to rewrite the script of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. However, such popular, grassroots action is held hostage by some common enemies: despair, hatred, antipathy and distrust. (Jan, 2007) Exchange of friendly fire Anat el-Hashahar, an Israeli and founder of METalks, debates the Arab-Israeli conflict – from Oslo to Lebanon – with Khaled Diab, an Egyptian journalist and writer. ar:قضية فلسطينية de:Nahostkonflikt es:Conflicto árabe-israelí fr:Conflit israélo-palestinien id:Konflik Israel-Palestina it:Conflitto Israelo-Palestinese he:הסכסוך הישראלי פלסטיני ja:パレスチナ問題 pt:Conflito israelo-palestino sv:Israel-Palestina-konflikten zh:以巴冲突 Category:Guerrilla wars Website with information (articles, reports, maps, books, links, etc.) on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Map of Palestinian Refugee Camps 1993 (UNRWA/C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Israel 2008 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Israeli Settlements in the West Bank Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Israeli Settlements in the Gaza Strip Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Jerusalem Mar. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Jericho and Vicinity Jan. 1994 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Pew Global Research - worldwide public opinion Peace proposals A Comparison Of Three Drafts For An Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement UNwatch, Goldstone Gaza Report: Col. Richard Kemp Testifies at U.N. Emergency Session Category:Nationalism Category:Palestinian terrorism Category:Zionism ar:القضية الفلسطينية bn:ইসরায়েল-প্যালেস্টাইন সংঘাত cs:Izraelsko-palestinský konflikt cy:Gwrthdaro Israelaidd-Palesteinaidd da:Den israelsk-palæstinensiske konflikt de:Israelisch-Palästinensischer Konflikt fr:Conflit israélo-palestinien id:Konflik Israel dan Palestina he:הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני ja:パレスチナ問題 no:Israel-Palestina-konflikten pt:Conflito israelo-palestino si:ඊශ්‍රායල-පලස්තීන ගැටුම sk:Izraelsko-palestínsky konflikt fi:Israelin–Palestiinan konflikti sv:Israel–Palestina-konflikten tl:Alitang Israeli-Palestino th:ความขัดแย้งอิสราเอล-ปาเลสไตน์ zh:以巴冲突

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