thumb|Israel, with the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an ongoing dispute between the State of Israel and the Palestinian people. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is part of the wider Arab-Israeli conflict, which is essentially a dispute between two national identities with claims over the same area of land. A recent reflection of the human cost of the conflict, as reported by Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, is 373 Palestinian civilians killed by the Israeli Defence Forces in 2007; and seven Israeli civilians killed by Palestinian fire.http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/940067.html
The roots of the conflict can be traced to the late 19th century, when Zionist Jews expressed their desire to create a modern state in the ancient land of the Israelites, which they considered to be their rightful homeland. To further that objective, the World Zionist Organization encouraged immigration and purchase of land, which was then part of the Ottoman Empire.Mark Tessler. thumb|Israel, with the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an ongoing dispute between the State of Israel and the Palestinians. It forms part of the wider Arab-Israeli conflict. Essentially, it is a dispute between two national identities with claims over the same area of land. Many attempts have been made to broker a two state solution, which would entail the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel. At present, the vast majority of Israelis and Palestinians, according to many major polls, agree a two state solution is the best way to end the conflict."America through Arab eyes". By Rami G. Khouri. International Herald Tribune. Published April 21, 2008. The latest survey, conducted in March, covered a representative sample of over 4,000 people in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (1.6 percent margin of error)... A majority of Arabs continues to support the two-state solution based on the 1967 borders, though an increasing majority is pessimistic about its prospects."Hamas won't go away." The Economist. Published 31 January 2008. Several of Hamas's leaders have hinted that if a majority of Palestinians agreed to a two-state solution in a referendum, the Islamists would abide by the verdict... The hope among the majority of Palestinians and Israelis who want two states living in peace side by side is that, over time, Hamas will disavow its determination to destroy the Jewish state and enter talks on a lasting peace."Just another forgotten peace summit." Haaretz.com. By Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann. Published 11/12/2007. Moreover, a considerable majority of the Jewish public sees the Palestinians' demand for an independent state as just, and thinks Israel can agree to the establishment of such a state. Most Palestinians view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as constituting the area of their future state, which is a view also accepted by most Israelis.Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005 A handful of academics advocate a one-state solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a bi-national state with equal rights for all.Israel: The Alternative, The New York Review of Books, Volume 50, Number 16, October 23 2003Virginia Tilley, The One-State Solution, University of Michigan Press (May 24 2005), ISBN 0472115138 However, there are significant areas of disagreement over the shape of any final agreement and also regarding the level of credibility each side sees in the other in upholding basic commitments.Haaretz.com. The source of the Jewish public's skepticism - and even pessimism - is apparently the widespread belief that a peace agreement based on the "two states for two peoples" formula would not lead the Palestinians to end their conflict with Israel. There are various domestic and international actors involved in the conflict. The direct negotiating parties are the Israeli government, currently led by Ehud Olmert, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), currently headed by Mahmoud Abbas. The official negotiations are mediated by an international contingent known as the Quartet on the Middle East (the Quartet) represented by a special envoy, currently Tony Blair, that consists of the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations. The Arab League is another important actor, which has proposed an alternative peace plan. Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League, has historically been a key participant. Since 2006, the Palestinian side has been fractured by conflict between the two major factions: Fatah, the largest party, and Hamas. As a result, the territory controlled by the Palestinian National Authority (the Palestinian interim government) is split between Fatah in the West Bank, and Hamas in the Gaza strip. This has proved problematic as Hamas is considered a terrorist organization by Israel and many other countries Israel: The Financial Sources of the Hamas Terror Organization, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs
USA: Country Reports on Terrorism 2005, US Department of State, April 2006
European Union: COUNCIL DECISION of 21 December 2005, COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION which means that despite the fact it won the Palestinian elections of 2006, it has not been allowed to participate in official negotiations. The most recent round of peace negotiations began at Annapolis, USA in November, 2007. These talks aim to have a final resolution by the end of 2008.New Mid-East peace drive launched, BBC News, 28 November 2007 The parties agree there are six core, or 'final status,' issues which need to be resolved "It is understood that these negotiations shall cover remaining issues, including: Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, security arrangements, borders, relations and cooperation with other neighbors, and other issues of common interest." ( Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, Article V, Section 3, Oslo, September 13 1993)
"In furtherance of the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, we agree to immediately launch good-faith bilateral negotiations in order to conclude a peace treaty, resolving all outstanding issues, including all core issues without exception, as specified in previous agreements." (Joint Understanding Read by President Bush at Annapolis Conference, Annapolis, November 27 2007)
"As President Bush said, Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas have agreed to an ambitious work plan to negotiate and resolve all outstanding issues, including all core issues, without exception, as specified in previous agreements, by the end of next year. These issues include borders, refugees, security, water, settlements, and Jerusalem." (Condoleezza Rice's Remarks at the Annapolis Conference, November 27 2007): Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, security, borders and water. These issues are discussed at length below. Within Israeli and Palestinian society, the conflict generates a wide variety of views and opinions (see also Israeli and Palestinian views of the peace process). This serves to highlight the deep divisions which exist not only between Israelis and Palestinians, but also amongst themselves. A hallmark of the conflict has been the level of violence witnessed for virtually its entire duration. Fighting has been conducted by regular armies, paramilitary groups, and terror cells. Casualties have not been restricted to the military, with a large loss of civilian life on both sides. __TOC__
Basic historical outline
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict resulted from competing Jewish and Arab national aspirations for the region of Palestine, conflicting promises by the British in the forms of the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Balfour Declaration of 1917, and several outbreaks of violence between Jewish and Arab residents of the region of Palestine. The roots of the conflict can be traced to the late 19th century, which saw a rise in national movements, including Zionism and Arab nationalism. Zionism, the Jewish national movement, was established as a political movement in 1897, largely as a response to Russian and European anti-Semitism.'The Return to Zion', Jewish Virtual Library'Zionism - Definition and History' (mideastweb.org) It sought the establishment of a Jewish Nation-State in Palestine (a region known to the Jews by the name of the historical Jewish homeland, Eretz Israel) so that they might find sanctuary and self- determination there. To this end, the World Zionist Organization and the Jewish National Fund encouraged immigration and funded purchase of land, both under Ottoman rule and under British rule, in the region of Palestine.Mark Tessler. A History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), p. 53. Following World War I and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the region came under the control of the United Kingdom through the League of Nations. In 1947, the United Nations approved the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. The Arab League rejected the plan, but on May 14, 1948, after numerous attempts to partition the landSee Peel Commission, 1947 UN Partition Plan and hostilities,See 1920 Palestine riots, 1929 Palestine riots, Jaffa riots, 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, Palestinian Civil War (1947-1948) Israel declared its independence. Five Arab League countries (Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan and Iraq) invaded Israel, sparking the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Israel captured territory that changed its borders, but left Jerusalem a divided city. thumb|left|110px|French and British influence and control (Sykes-Picot Agreement, 1916)
right|thumb|240px|Arthur James Balfour, a British Conservative politician and statesman, and the Prime Minister from 1902 to 1905. In 1917, as Foreign Secretary, he authored the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which supported the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Following World War I and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Palestine came under the control of the United Kingdom through the Sykes-Picot Agreement and a League of Nations mandate. During the mandatory period, the British made conflicting promises to both populations in the forms of the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Balfour Declaration of 1917, and tensions between Arab and Jewish groups in the region erupted into physical violence as in the 1920 Palestine riots, the 1921 Palestine riots, the 1929 Hebron massacre and the 1936-1939 Arab revolt in Palestine. The British responded to these outbreaks of violence with the Haycraft Commission of Inquiry, the Shaw Report, the Peel Commission of 1936-1937, and the White Paper of 1939. The Peel Commission proposed a failed partition plan, while the White Paper established a quota for Jewish immigration set by the British in the short-term and by the Arab population in the long-term. Both Arab and Jewish groups directed violence against the British, as in the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, the King David Hotel bombing, and the assassinations of Lord Moyne and Count Bernadotte, in order to expel the mandatory government, which was held in contempt by both sides. This violence and the heavy cost of World War II led Britain to turn the issue of Palestine over to the United Nations. In 1947, the U.N. approved the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine into two states: one Jewish and one Arab. The Jewish leadership accepted the plan, but Palestinian Arab leaders, supported by the Arab League, rejected the plan, and a civil war broke out. Israel quickly gained the upper hand in this intercommunal fighting, and on May 14 1948 declared its independence. Five Arab League countries (Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan and Iraq), then invaded Palestine, starting the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. The war resulted in an Israeli victory, with Israel capturing additional territory beyond the partition borders, but leaving Jerusalem as a divided city; the territory Israel did not capture was taken over by Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, and Transjordan (now Jordan). The war also resulted in the 1948 Palestinian exodus, known to Palestinians as Al-Naqba. For decades after 1948, Arab governments had refused to recognize Israel and in 1964 the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was founded with the central tenet that Palestine, with its original Mandate borders, is the indivisible homeland of the Arab Palestinian people. In turn, Israel refused to recognize the PLO as a negotiating partner. In the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel captured the West Bank from Jordan, the Gaza Strip from Egypt, and East Jerusalem including the Old City and its holy sites, which Israel annexed and reunited with the Western neighborhoods of Jerusalem. The status of the city as Israel's capital and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip has remained a source of bitter conflict. For decades after 1948, Arab governments had refused to recognize Israel and in 1964 the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was founded with the central tenet that Palestine, with its original Mandate borders, is the indivisible homeland of the Arab Palestinian people. In turn Israel refused to recognise the PLO as a negotiating partner. In 1988, Yasser Arafat stated that he recognized Israel's right to exist, thus providing the first step needed to enable negotiations between Israel and the PLO. An attempt to broker a 'two state solution', that is the creation of separate Jewish and Palestinian states, was seen in the Oslo peace process, where Israel and the PLO negotiated, unsuccessfully, to come to a mutual agreement. During the Oslo process, which began in 1993, the Palestine Liberation Organization was permitted autonomy to run Palestinian affairs in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in the form of the Palestinian National Authority with the understanding that it would uphold recognition of and mutual co-existence with Israel. However there was continual contention over whether actual events and conditions proved that there was greater acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian leaders"A decade ago, a different Palestinian charter was at the center of controversy. Arabs were humiliated by the Israelis' ability to achieve a decisive victory in 6 days only. The status of the city as Israel's capital and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip created a new set of contentious issues which became one major focus of the conflict. In 1970, the PLO was expelled from Jordan, in what was known as the Black September. Large numbers of Palestinians moved into Lebanon after the Black September, joining the thousands already there. In 1973 a coalition of Arab states led by Egypt and Syria launched the Yom Kippur War against Israel. The Egyptians and Syrians advanced during the first 24–48 hours, after which momentum began to swing in Israel's favor. Eventually a cease-fire took effect that ended the war. This war paved the way for the Camp David Accords in 1978, which set a precedent for future peace negotiations. Tensions between Israel and PLO led Israel to invade Lebanon in the 1982 Lebanon War, forcing the PLO to withdraw again, this time to Tunisia. During the war, Israeli allies Phalangists committed the Sabra and Shatila massacre, between 700 and 3500 unarmed Palestinians were killed by the Phalange while the Israeli troops surrounded the camps with tanks and checkpoints, monitoring entrances and exits. Further Israeli investigation found that Ariel Sharon was indirectly responsible for failing to prevent the massacre, leading to his resignation as Israel's Defense Minister. In 1987, the First Intifada broke out, the Palestinian uprising against Israeli rule in the occupied territories. The uprising spread in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The Intifada was renowned by its stone-throwing demonstrations by youth against the heavily-armed Israeli Defense Forces. BBC: A History of Conflict Over the course of the First Intifada , a total 1,551 Palestinians and 422 Israelis were killed. Israeli and Palestinian Deaths - Israeli-Palestinian ProCon.org During the intifada, in 1987, Ahmed Yassin co-founded Hamas with Abdel Aziz al-Rantissi, Hamas has been involved in what it calls "armed resistance" against Israel since then. The Oslo Peace Process, which began in 1993, was a key turning point in the conflict, where Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) negotiated, unsuccessfully, to come to a mutual agreement. During the Oslo process, the PLO was permitted to establish the autonomous Palestinian Authority and associated governing institutions, to run Palestinian affairs in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, with the understanding that it would uphold recognition of and mutual co-existence with Israel. However there was continual contention over whether actual events and conditions proved that there was greater acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian leaders
"A decade ago, a different Palestinian charter was at the center of controversy. The founding covenant of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), like the one written by Hamas, called for Israel's destruction, though the PLO said that it had embraced the concept of a two-state solution since 1988. Ten years later, during President Clinton's visit to Gaza, a PLO body announced it had annulled the paragraphs calling for Israel's demise." Ilene R. Prusher. Will Hamas change course?, Christian Science Monitor, February 01, 2006. or a commitment by Israel to stop settlement activity in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.http://www.mideastweb.org/map_israel_settlements.htm
The vast majority of Israelis and Palestinians, according to all major polls, agree that a two-state solution is the best way to end the conflict.OneVoice FAQ Most Palestinians view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as part of their future state.Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005 Most Israelis also accept this solution. A handful of academics advocate a one-state solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a bi-national state with equal rights for all.Israel: The Alternative, The New York Review of Books, Volume 50, Number 16, October 23, 2003Virginia Tilley, The One-State Solution, University of Michigan Press (May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138
Core issues in the conflict as seen by both sides are the future of the remaining Israeli settlements built in the Occupied Territories, the right of return for Palestinian refugees and their descendants, and the status of Jerusalem, along with the refusal of some Palestinian groups to recognize the right of Israel to exist and Israel's reluctance to allow the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Israel asserts that one major condition of Palestinian sovereignty over any territory must be acceptance of mutual co-existence and elimination of terrorism by the Palestinians. Some Palestinian groups, notably Fatah, a political party founded by PLO leaders, claim they are willing to foster co-existence if Palestinians are steadily given more political rights and autonomy. In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, where it remains the majority party. While Hamas has openly stated in the past that it completely opposed Israel's right to exist,Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. p. 3. indeed its charter states this,"Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah & Hamas", BBC News, May 25, 2006. the position has softened somewhat recently.Climbdown as Hamas agrees to Israeli state, The Guardian, June 22, 2006Hamas Officials Already Recognize Israel's Right to Exist, Apparently CommonDreams.org, May 31, 2006
The most recent round of peace negotiations began at Annapolis, USA in November, 2007. These talks aim to have a final resolution by the end of 2008.New Mid-East peace drive launched, BBC News, 28 November 2007
History
1945-1948
After World War II, continuous Zionist pressure to relocate Jewish survivors of the Holocaust in Palestine caused difficulties for the British authorities before the international community, since they still rigorously applied the policies against further Jewish immigration outlined in the 1939 White Paper. The United Nations proposed a two-state solution, with a Jerusalem/Bethlehem enclave internationalized and adopted a Partition Plan on 29 November 1947. The Plan was accepted by Yishuv but rejected by the Arab League representing the Arab states. A civil war broke out immediately in Palestine as British troops began evacuating the country. Violence intensified. In February, Arab volunteers entered Palestine. The Jewish sector of Jerusalem became isolated. In April, the Haganah took the offensive and defeated Arab Palestinians and volunteers, and took control of different mixed localities. A massive exodus of Palestinian Arabs began. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. Several Arab armies entered Palestine. After six weeks of heavy fighting, particularly around Jerusalem, all parties agreed to a truce. This was used by Israel to reinforce her forces, and after the truce Israel took the initiative and defeated the Arab armies. By the conclusion of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Israel had greatly expanded its borders and signed ceasefire agreements with all its Arab neighbors. An exodus of Palestinian Arabs from Israel occurred during this war. Simultaneously, Jews exited Jerusalem by force, and Jewish residents of nearby villages and settlements, such as K'far Etzion, were massacred by Arab troops. Jews were not allowed to live in or visit Jerusalem from 1948-1967, and Jewish holy places in Jerusalem were vandalized during this period. The causes are a source of dispute among historians: Some claim that the Palestinian villagers were forcibly expelled and others, that the villagers fled in fear before Israeli forces arrived. Whatever the reasons behind it, this exodus created the Palestinian refugee problem, which has remained unsolved.Frank, Mitch. Understanding the Holy Land: Answering Questions about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Viking, 2005. p. 52-54. Many abandoned properties and villages were resettled by Jewish refugees from Europe and Arab lands. (See also: Aliyah Bet, Berihah, Sh'erit ha-Pletah, Jewish exodus from Arab lands)
One factor in the persistence of the Arab refugee problem was the refusal of any Arab government except Jordan to offer the Palestinian Arabs citizenship. Whereas other much larger refugee problems after World War II were eventually solved, this one persisted. Palestinians were defined as those who lived in Palestine between 1946-1948 or their descendants by the United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) which was created especially for the Palestinians. Aid was given by the United Nations, based on population figures, and refugee camps that had sprouted up in Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan grew as did the Palestinian population. Because the Palestinians did not become Egyptian, Lebanese, or Israeli, the number of Palestinian Arabs increased to several million. 1949-1967
PLOFatahHamasPIJPFLP60px|60px|60px|60px| 60px| The emblems of major Palestinian organizations include a map of present-day Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. (Significant populations of Palestinians and Israelis alike claim a right to the entire region). By the end of 1949, only 150,123 Palestinians remained within Israel.Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 279. ISBN 0-253-20873-4. For this reason, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict took a back seat to the broader Arab-Israeli Conflict during this time. Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 336. ISBN 0-253-20873-4. Palestinians played a crucial role in the Egyptian-Israeli conflict during this time.Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121.Rossel, Seymour. Israel: Covenant People Covenant Land. New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1985. p. 191. Beginning in 1950, Egypt began using fedayeen to conduct a war of proxy against Israel. These units of Palestinians—often trained and equipped by Egypt—would infiltrate across what was then the Israeli-Egyptian border at Gaza, and conduct guerilla raids against Israeli targets (mostly civilian in nature). Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 346. ISBN 0-253-20873-4. In the first five years of the 1950s, "884 Israelis were wounded or killed by" Palestinian fedayin trained and sent into Israel by the Egyptians. The fedayin attacks was cited as being among the factors leading up to the Israeli decision to participate in the Sinai Campaign in 1956. The scope of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict again broadened after Israel conquered the West Bank from Jordan and the Gaza Strip from Egypt during the Six-Day War. Oslo peace process (1993-2000)
thumb|A peace movement poster: Israeli and Palestinian flags and the words peace in Arabic and Hebrew. Similar images have been used by several groups proposing a two-state solution to the conflict. In 1993, Israeli and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization strove to find a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict known as the Oslo peace process. Perhaps the most important milestone of this period was Yasser Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. or a commitment by Israel to stop settlement activity in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.Israeli Settlements and Outposts in the West Bank January 2002
In 2000, following the failure of the peace process, the Second Intifada, also known as the al-Aqsa Intifada, broke out. As of 2008, this Intifada has not yet officially ended. In 2003, Prime Minister of Israel Ariel Sharon announced a controversial disengagement plan.Israeli Withdrawal from Gaza Explained Washington Post, 10 August 2005 Israel was to remove all of its civilian and military presence in the Gaza Strip, (namely 21 Jewish settlements there, and four in the West Bank), but continue to supervise and guard the external envelope on land excepting a border crossing with Egypt, which is jointly run by the Palestinian National Authority in conjunction with the European Union. Israel also maintained exclusive control in the air space of Gaza. The Israeli government argued that "as a result, there will be no basis for the claim that the Gaza Strip is occupied territory,"The disengagement plan of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon while others argued that the only effect would be that Israel "would be permitted to complete the wall (that is, the Israeli West Bank Barrier) and to maintain the situation in the West Bank as is."ei: Sharon's Gaza Pullout: Not Gonna Happen!. The disengagement plan was implemented in 2005. Hamas's victory in the 2006 elections for Palestinian Legislative Council, and Ismail Haniyeh’s ascension to the post of Prime Minister further complicated the peace process. Hamas openly states that it does not recognize Israel's right to exist, although they have expressed openness to a long-term hudna or truce.Hamas: Ceasefire for return to 1967 border Ynet News, 30 January 2006. The victory also sparked the Fatah-Hamas conflict which eventually led to the Hamas taking control of Gaza. Since Hamas took over Gaza, they have been engaged in a serious conflict with Israel
Peace proposals
Oslo peace process
thumb|210px|Map of Palestinian Authority (dark green) and Israeli (light green) administered areas in the West Bank and Gaza Strip following the Oslo Accords. The agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. thumb|left||A peace movement poster: Israeli and Palestinian flags and the words peace in Arabic and Hebrew. In 1993, Israeli officials led by Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization led by Yasser Arafat strove to find a peaceful solution through what became known as the Oslo peace process. A crucial milestone in this process was Yasser Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. In 1993, the Oslo Accords were finalized as a framework for future Israeli-Palestinian relations. The crux of the Oslo agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of the Palestinian territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, but finally came to a close when Arafat and Barak failed to reach agreement. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, the process took a turning point at the Assassination of Yitzhak Rabin and finally came to a close when Arafat and Ehud Barak failed to reach agreement. Robert Malley, special assistant to President Clinton for Arab-Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that Barak made no formal written offer to Arafat.Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors', The New York Review of Books, Volume 48, Number 13, August 9, 2001.Selby, 2003, p. 185. Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposals considered.Propositions israéliennes, de Camp David (2000) à Taba (2001), Reconstruction by Le Monde Diplomatique, accessed 22 April, 2007.Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After: An Exchange (2. A Reply to Ehud Barak)', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 10, June 13, 2002.Benny Morris and Ehud Barak, Reply by Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After—Continued', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 11, June 27, 2002. However, the main obstacle to agreement appears to have been the status of Jerusalem.Enderlin, 2003, p. 263-264. thumb|250px|Map of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, showing areas of formal Palestinian authority in dark green and Israeli-administered areas in light green. Peace Initiatives (2002)
Road Map for Peace
One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and the United States on September 17, 2002, was the Road map for peace. Camp David 2000 Summit
In 2000, US President Bill Clinton convened a peace summit between Palestinian President Yasir Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Barak reportedly offered the Palestinian leader approximately 95% of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem, and that 69 Jewish settlements (which comprise 85% of the West Bank's Jewish settlers) be ceded to Israel. He also proposed "temporary Israeli control" indefinitely over another 10% of the West Bank territory--an area including many more Jewish settlements. According to Palestinian sources, the remaining area would be under Palestinian control, yet certain areas would be broken up by Israeli bypass roads and checkpoints. Depending on how the security roads would be configured, these Israeli roads might impede free travel by Palestinians throughout their proposed nation and reduce the ability to absorb Palestinian refugees. President Arafat rejected this offer. President Clinton reportedly requested that President Arafat make a counter-offer, but he proposed none. No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands, even under intense U.S. pressure. Clinton blamed Arafat for the failure of the Camp David Summit. In the months following the summit, Clinton appointed former US Senator George J. Mitchell to lead a fact-finding committee that later published the Mitchell Report. Later at the Taba summit (at Taba) in January 2001, the Israeli negotiation team presented a new map. The proposition removed the "temporarily Israeli controlled" areas, and the Palestinian side accepted this as a basis for further negotiation. However, Prime Minister Ehud Barak did not conduct further negotiations at that time; the talks ended without an agreement and the following month the right-wing Likud party candidate Ariel Sharon was elected as Israeli prime minister in February 2001. Road Map for Peace
One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and the United States on September 17, 2002, was the Road map for peace. This plan did not attempt to resolve difficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in later phases of the process. Israel did not accept the proposal as written, but called out 14 "reservations" or changes before they would accept ithttp://www.caabu.org/press/documents/israeli-resolution-roadmap.html, which were unacceptable to the current Palestinian government. Israel did not accept the proposal as written, but called out 14 "reservations" or changes before they would accept it,CAABU :: The Council for Arab-British Understanding which were unacceptable to the current Palestinian government. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, which called for a halt to Israeli settlement construction and a halt to Israeli and Palestinian violence, none of which was achieved. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stated around this period that further unilateral withdrawals from some West Bank settlements might be undertaken if the peace process seemed to be stalled. Negotiations based on the "Road Map" resumed with the Annapolis conference in late 2007 and are underway as of early 2008. Arab Peace Initiative
The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic: مبادرة السلام العربية) is a peace initiative first proposed by Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, then crown prince, in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is a proposed solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular. The initiative was initially published on 28 March 2002 in Beirut Summit, and agreed on again in 2007 in the Riyadh Summit. The peace initiative achieved the unanimous consent of all members of the Arab League, including both the Hamas and Fatah Palestinian factions. Considered a progressive proposal that would end the Arab-Israeli conflict, unlike the Road map for peace it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitely on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. Considered a progressive proposal that would end the Arab-Israeli conflict, unlike the Road map for peace it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitly on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, in exchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the Occupied Territories, including the Golan Heights, to recognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital" in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees. Although initially rejected by Israel, the Arab Leage continues to raise it as a possible solution, and meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been scheduledArab League Summit: Outcomes and Reactions Churches for Middle East Peace, April 11, 2007. 2003-present
Prime Minister of Israel Ariel Sharon announced a controversial disengagement plan in December 2003.Israeli Withdrawal from Gaza Explained Washington Post, Aug. 10, 2005 Israel was to remove all of its civilian and military presence in the Gaza Strip, (namely 21 Jewish settlements there, and four in the West Bank), but continue to supervise and guard the external envelope on land excepting a border crossing with Egypt, which is jointly run by the Palestinian National Authority in conjunction with the European Union. Israel also maintained exclusive control in the air space of Gaza. The Israeli government argued that "as a result, there will be no basis for the claim that the Gaza Strip is occupied territory,"http://www.fmep.org/documents/disengagement_plan_of_Sharon.html while others argued that the only effect would be that Israel "would be permitted to complete the wall (that is, the Israeli West Bank Barrier) and to maintain the situation in the West Bank as is."http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article3331.shtml
Israel implemented their disengagement plan in August-September 2005, and it was initially popular with most Israelis, helping Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to win the following election after Sharon was incapacitated by a stroke.Olmert pushes plan for West Bank Baltimore Sun, May 22, 2006 As preparation for Israel's withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, Fatah and Hamas had called a cease-fire on attacks against Israel in February 2005. CNN reported in 2006 that Fatah and Hamas "stuck to the cease-fire it announced in February 2005, but other groups did not sign on and have continued attacks against Israel."Beach strike shakes Hamas cease-fire CNN June 9, 2006 Nevertheless, Israel continued to target militants inside Gaza whom it alleged had planned or carried out attacks on Israel, including some members of Hamas.More deaths threaten uneasy truce in Israel The Guardian, July 15, 2005 Then in June 2006, violence on both sides escalated. Israel killed a Hamas official in a missile attack on June 5; then on June 6 militants from the "Popular Resistance" group fired rockets into Israel which produced no casualties; Israel launched airstrikes against those militants and others, killing five; and then an Israeli navy gunboat fired shells onto a northern Gaza beach, killing seven and wounding 20 amongst the Palestinian families picnicking on the beach. In response, Hamas called off its 16-month-old cease-fire. Since that time, Israeli military incursions into Gaza and Palestinian rocket attacks towards Israeli cities have continued to this day.Hadad, Shmulik. "Peres: Enough with Qassam hysteria." Ynetnews. 20 June 2006. 1 October 2007.Hadad, Shmulik. "2 Qassam rockets land near Sderot; no injuries reported." Ynetnews. 30 September 2007. 1 October 2007.Hadad, Shmulik. "Qassam lands near Sderot." Ynetnews. 27 September 2007. 1 October 2007. Later in June 2006, Corporal Gilad Shalit, a 19-year-old Israeli IDF soldier, was captured by members of Hamas. Israel carried out a military operation against targets in Gaza, which it claimed to be in response to Palestinian attacks. Israeli Prime Minister Olmert stated that Israel's goal was not to reacquire control of the Gaza Strip, and that the IDF would withdraw once its operations were completed. Hamas's victory in the 2006 elections for Palestinian Legislative Council, and Ismail Haniyeh’s ascension to the post of Prime Minister further complicated the peace process. Hamas openly states that it does not recognize Israel's right to exist, although they have expressed openness to a long-term hudna or truce.Hamas: Ceasefire for return to 1967 border Ynet News, Jan. 30, 2006
In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to form a new unity government. Haniyeh later resigned, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. In 2007, the coalition of Hamas and Fatah collapsed, and the two engaged in a physical struggle. Eventually, Fatah was defeated in Gaza, and Hamas took over full control of the Gaza Strip. Fatah retains control of the West Bank. Gaza has been subjected to economic sanctions due to Hamas' non-recognition of Israel, and sporadic fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza has continued. Hamas has made recent attempts to renew a cease-fire with Israel, but Israel has so far rejected their offer.Israel rejects Hamas cease-fire JTA, Sept. 21, 2007Hamas renews call for cease-fire with Israel International Herald Tribune, Sept. 30, 2007
Major issues between the two sides
Since the Oslo Accords, finalized in 1993, the government of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) have been officially committed to an eventual two-state solution. However, there are many major issues which remained unresolved between the two parties. The status of the occupied territories
The West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem—territories which Israel conquered from Egypt and Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War—are the subject of contentious legal, ethical and political dispute between Israelis and Palestinians. Occupied Territories is the official term used by virtually all actors in the conflict. The Israeli government uses the term Disputed Territories, to indicate its position that some territories cannot be called occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and there was no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel acquired them in June 1967. Israeli Settlements and International Law, Israel Foreign Ministry website, 5/4/01, accessed 12/18/07. (Scroll down to paragraph which begins "Politically, the West Bank and Gaza Strip is best regarded as...") "Occupied Territories" to "Disputed Territories" by Dore Gold, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, January 16, 2002. Retrieved September 29, 2005. The area is still referred to as Judea and Samaria by some Israeli groups, based on the historical regional names from ancient times. In 1980, Israel outright annexed East Jerusalem.Israel & the Palestinians: Key Maps British Broadcasting Corporation, April 10, 2007 The United Nations rejected this annexation on August 20 of that year. United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 United Nations, Aug. 20, 1980 Israel has never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "[t]ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" - the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See United Nations Security Council Resolution 242#Semantic dispute. It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewish settlements), and the entire Gaza Strip must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State. However, the precise borders of this state are in question. In 2000, for example, Ehud Barak offered Yasser Arafat an opportunity to establish an independent Palestinian State composed of the entire Gaza Strip and 92% of the West Bank. Due to security restrictions, and Barak's opposition to a broad right of return, Arafat refused this proposal.http://www.aijac.org.au/resources/Israel-peace-timeline.html
Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel says it is justified in not ceding all this land, due to security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion.Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 121-147. Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be. Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, insist that Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel proper. For this reason, Hamas views the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable."Sela, Avraham. "Hamas." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 335-342. Mutual recognition
The Oslo peace process was based upon Israel ceding authority to the Palestinians to run their own political and economic affairs. In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people.http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_oslo_accords.php Despite Yasser Arafat's official renouncement of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity. Simultaneously, at the time of Hamas's victory in the 2006, polls indicated that 66% of Palestinians supported mutual recognition and a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict. It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist. Palestinians respond that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. Many feel that their own opposition to Israel was justified by Israel's apparent stifling of any genuine Palestinian political and economic development.Israeli Settlements on Occupied Palestinian Territories
Israel cites past concessions, such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August, 2005, which did not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel, as an example of the Palestinian people not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namely B'tzellem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli government still retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israeli control. Practically, they also point out that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the Gaza Strip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal. Furthermore, given that the Israeli army has run incursions into the Gaza Strip on various occasions, closed off its borders, and placed an embargo on the region, the Gazan economy has since gone into free fall. This has led and continues to result in warnings of the Palestinian population becoming more radicalized unless conditions improve. Many significant Palestinian militant groups refuse to recognize Israel's existence, based on their belief that Israel has repeatedly taken Palestinian resources and violated their perceived rights. Based on this, they seek to destroy Israel at some point in the future. It is unclear how much popular support they have. In response, some Israeli groups and individuals oppose any territorial or political concessions to Palestinians. The question of Palestinian refugees
The number of Palestinians who fled Israel following its creation and their descendants now stands at around four million.[“ Palestinian premier rejects Israel's condition for talks.” USA Today. May 7, 2003. http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-05-07-mideast_x.htm]
Left-wing Israelis are open to compromise on the issue, by means such as the monetary reparations and family reunification initiatives offered by Ehud Barak at the Camp David 2000 summit. However, the majority of Israelis find a comprehensive right of return for Palestinian refugees to be unacceptable. The HonestReporting organization listed the following grounds for this opposition:
Palestinian flight from Israel was not compelled, but voluntary. After seven Arab nations declared war on Israel in 1948, many Arab leaders encouraged Palestinians to flee, in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state. This point, however, is a matter of some contention. Certain actions on the part of Jewish militias were considered to provoke Palestinians to leave Israel. Eye witness accounts from Ain al-Zeitoum and Er-Rama, for example, record that the Palmach assembled all of their residents following the villages' surrender. The Jewish militia then demanded that all Muslim residents depart for Lebanon, and leave their possessions behind, under pain of death.Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4 Still, such cases were relatively rare, and the vast majority of Palestinians fled of their own accord. Since most Palestinians chose their status as refugees themselves, some argue that Israel is therefore absolved of responsibility.”Rights and Wrongs.” Efraim Karsh. Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council. June 2001. http://www.aijac.org.au/review/2001/266/essay266.html. In fact, a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee reveals that Arab states officially agreed to take responsibility for these refugees at the height of the Palestinian exodus, until such time as Israel would be destroyed:
Arab leaders and their ministries in Arab capitals ... declared that they welcomed the immigration of Palestinian Arabs into the Arab countries until they saved Palestine.From a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee; quoted in Joseph B. Schechtman, The Refugees in the World (New York: Barnes, 1963), p. 197. There is no legal basis to demand repatriation of Palestinian refugees and their descendents. No international legislation, UN resolutions or agreements between Israel and the Palestinians require this.”Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question.” Ruth Lapidoth. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. http://www.jcpa.org/jl/vp485.htm. Historical legal precedent from the Middle East supports this contention. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world were ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them.http://wais.stanford.edu/Israel/israel_andthepalestinerightofreturn51603.html
An influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel. Because a right of return would make Arabs the majority within Israel, this would essentially seal the fate of the Jewish state. As Fatah explains: “To us, the refugees issue is the winning card which means the end of the Israeli state.”http://www.fateh.net/e_public/refugees.htm
Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees on several groundsMcGeown, Kate and Martin Asser. Although the proposal was rejected outright by Israel when it was first proposed in 2002, the Arab League continues to raise it as a possible solution, most recently in 2007, and recent meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been held.'Arab leaders relaunch peace plan,', BBC News, March 28 2007 According to Haaretz, Arab leaders, have threatened on February 2008 to withdraw their proposal unless Israel explicitly expresses an acceptance of the initiative.The Associated Press, ‘Arab states threaten to rescind 2002 Saudi peace initiative,' Haaretz 23/02/2008</blockquote>
Core issues
A variety of concerns have emerged as key issues in seeking a negotiated settlement between the two sides. Since the Oslo Accords, finalized in 1993, the government of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) have been officially committed to an eventual two-state solution. There are six core or 'final status' issues which need to be resolved. Jerusalem
The borders of Jerusalem is a particularly delicate issue, with each side asserting claims over this city. The three largest Abrahamic religions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—include Jerusalem as an important setting for their religious and historical narratives.Jerusalem is the holiest site in the world for Judiasm. The two Divine Temples were built on what is called the Temple Mount, the first over three thousand years ago. Archaelogical evidence has proven that the Divine Temple of the Jews was built at that time, and the second built a few centuries after its destruction. Jerusalem was the capitol city of the Israeli Empire, established right before the construction of the First Temple. For Muslims, Jerusalem is the third holiest (after Meccah and Medina), where Mohamud allegedly tied his horse, el'Baruck, meaning lightning in a Arabic. The Al-Aksa Mosque was built on the Temple Mount several centuries ago. Israel controls Jerusalem today. However, Muslims are almost exclusively allowed on the Temple Mount site. Jews are rarely allowed onto the Temple Mount, even though it is their holiest site, and for the Muslims it is only the third holiest site.BBC NEWS | In Depth | Israel and the Palestinians | issues | Jerusalem: Crucible of the conflict Israel asserts that the city should not be divided, and should remain unified within Israel's political control. Palestinians claim at least the parts of the city which were not part of Israel prior to June 1967. As of 2005, there are more than 719,000 people living in Jerusalem; 465,000 are Jews (mostly living in West Jerusalem) and 232,000 are Muslim (mostly living in East Jerusalem).Zaritzky, Suzanna. "Press Release." Central Bureau of Statistics. 24 May 2006. 9 April 2006. The Israeli government, including the Knesset and Supreme Court, is centered in the "new city" of West Jerusalem and has been since Israel's founding in 1948. After Israel captured the Jordanian-controlled East Jerusalem in the Six-Day War, Israel formally annexed East Jerusalem. In 1980, Israel issued a new law stating, "Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel.""Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel." Jewish Virtual Library. 9 April 2008. At the Camp David and Taba Summits in 2000-2001, the United States proposed a plan in which the Arab parts of Jerusalem would be given to the proposed Palestinian state while the Jewish parts of Jerusalem were retained by Israel. All archaeological work under the Temple Mount would be jointly controlled by the Israeli and Palestinian governments. Both sides accepted the proposal in principle, but the summits ultimately failed. Israel has grave concerns regarding the welfare of Jewish holy places under possible Palestinian control. When Jerusalem was under Jordanian control, no Jews were allowed to visit the Western Wall. In 2000, a Palestinian mob took over Joseph's Tomb, a shrine considered sacred by both Jews and Muslims, looted and burned the building, and turned it into a mosque.Gold, Dore. The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2007. p. 5-6. There are unauthorized Palestinian excavations for construction on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, which could threaten the stability of the Western Wall. Israel, on the other hand, has seldom blocked access to holy places sacred to other religions, and never permanently. Israeli security agencies routinely monitor and arrest Jewish extremists that plan attacks, resulting in almost no serious incidents for the last twenty years. Moreover, Israel has given almost complete autonomy to the Muslim trust (Waqf) over the Temple Mount.Sela, Avraham. "Jerusalem." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 491-498. Palestinians have grave concerns regarding the welfare of Christian and Muslim holy places under Israeli control. ‘In general, Israeli policy towards holy places can be considered a success with regard to its primary goal: facilitating Israel’s acceptance into the international community of nations. However, the repeated failure of the Muslim Affairs Department to fulfill its mandate of protecting the Muslim holy places in Israel has been a largely forgotten chapter in Israeli history that deserves reexamination.' Alisa Rubin Peled, Debating Islam in the Jewish State: The Development of Policy Toward Islamic Institutions in Israel, State University of New York Press, 2001 p.96. They point to the several attacks on the Al-Aqsa Mosque (Masjid al Aqsa) since 1967, including a serious fire in 1969, which destroyed the south wing, and the discovery, in 1981, of ancient tunnels under the structure of the mosque which some archaeologists believe have weakened the building structures on the Al Aqsa Mosque. Some Palestinian advocates have made statements alleging that the tunnels were re-opened with the intent of causing the mosque's collapse. Secret tunnel under Al-Aqsa Mosque exposed Israel considers these statements to be totally baseless and unfounded, and to be deliberately intended to incite aggression and public disorder, Israel's Position Regarding the Current Political Situation, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 26 Sep 1996; A Critical Analysis of Security Council Resolution 1073, 1 Oct 1996. and stated this in a 1996 speech at the UN. FM Levy- Address to the UN Security Council, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sept 27, 1996. The Israeli government claims it treats the Muslim and Christian holy sites with utmost respect (see previous paragraph). The question of Palestinian refugees
The number of Palestinians who were expelled or fled from Israel following its creation and their descendants now stands at around four million.“Palestinian premier rejects Israel's condition for talks”, USA Today. May 7 2003. Palestinian negotiators have so far insisted that refugees, and all their descendants, from the 1948 and 1967 wars have a right to return to the places where they lived before 1948 and 1967, including those within the 1949 Armistice lines, citing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and UN General Assembly Resolution 194 as evidence. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 declared that it proposed the compromise of a "just resolution" of the refugee problem.Muasher, Marwan. "The Arab Peace Initiative." Embassy of Jordan - Washington, D.C. 16 January 2008. The text of the Arab Peace Initiative is at the bottom of the page. Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees on several grounds:McGeown, Kate and Martin Asser. "Right of return: Palestinian dream?" BBC News. 18 February 2003. 15 July 2007.Flapan, Simha (1987):The Palestinian Exodus of 1948. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4. (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26.Khalidi, Rashid I.(1992): Observations on the Right of Return. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2. (Winter, 1992), pp. 29-40.:
Several authors included in the broader New Historians assert that the Palestinian refugees were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and IrgunInterview to Avi Shlaim in Haaretz's supplement. A report from the military intelligence SHAI of the Haganah entitled "The emigration of Palestinian Arabs in the period 1/12/1947-1/6/1948", dated 30 June 1948 affirms that:
"At least 55% of the total of the exodus was caused by our (Haganah/IDF) operations." To this figure, the report’s compilers add the operations of the Irgun and Lehi, which "directly (caused) some 15%... 29-40. Several authors included in the broader New Historians assert that the Palestinian refugees were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and Irgun.Interview to Avi Shlaim in Haaretz's supplement A report from the military intelligence SHAI of the Haganah entitled "The emigration of Palestinian Arabs in the period 1/12/1947-1/6/1948", dated 30 June 1948 affirms that:
"At least 55% of the total of the exodus was caused by our (Haganah/IDF) operations." To this figure, the report’s compilers add the operations of the Irgun and Lehi, which "directly (caused) some 15%... of the emigration". A further 2% was attributed to explicit expulsion orders issued by Israeli troops, and 1% to their psychological warfare. This leads to a figure of 73% for departures caused directly by the Israelis. In addition, the report attributes 22% of the departures to "fears" and "a crisis of confidence" affecting the Palestinian population. As for Arab calls for flight, these were reckoned to be significant in only 5% of cases...Kapeliouk, Amnon (1987): New Light on the Israeli-Arab Conflict and the Refugee Problem and Its Origins, p.21. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3. (Spring, 1987), pp. 16-24.Review by Dominique Vidal in Le Monde DiplomatiqueMorris, Benny (1986): What Happened in History. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 15, No. 4. (Summer, 1986), pp. 181-182. The traditional Israeli point of view arguing that Arab leaders encouraged Palestinian Arabs to flee has also been disputed by the New Historians, which instead have shown evidence indicating Arab leaders' will for the Palestinian Arab population to stay putSee for example, Masalha, Nur-eldeen (1988):On Recent Hebrew and Israeli Sources for the Palestinian Exodus, 1947-49. The traditional Israeli point of view arguing that Arab leaders encouraged Palestinian Arabs to flee has also been disputed by the New Historians, which instead have shown evidence indicating Arab leaders' will for the Palestinian Arab population to stay put.See for example, Masalha, Nur-eldeen (1988):On Recent Hebrew and Israeli Sources for the Palestinian Exodus, 1947-49. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1, Special Issue: Palestine 1948. (Autumn, 1988), pp. 121-137. and Childers, Irskine (1961): The Other Exodus. The Spectator (London), May 12, 1961. . The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination towards non-Jews and especially to Palestinians that cannot apply for such citizenship nor return to the territory from which they were displaced or leftAl-Awda web site on points of unityEdward Said cited on the issue of the palestinian right of return and israeli Law of Return in www.samsonblinded.orgThe Arab Association of Human Rights criticises the israeli Law of Return as being discriminatory towards arabs in www.arabhra.orgJonathan Cook considers the support for the Israeli Law of Return together with the opposition towards Palestinian Right of Return as a way that "maintains the act of ethnic cleansing that dispossessed the Palestinian refugees more than half a century ago.". The strongest legal basis on the issue is UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948. The Spectator (London), May 12 1961. The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination towards non-Jews and especially to Palestinians that cannot apply for such citizenship nor return to the territory from which they were displaced or left.Al-Awda web site on points of unityEdward Said cited on the issue of the palestinian right of return and israeli Law of Return in www.samsonblinded.orgThe Arab Association of Human Rights criticises the israeli Law of Return as being discriminatory towards arabs in www.arabhra.orgJonathan Cook considers the support for the Israeli Law of Return together with the opposition towards Palestinian Right of Return as a way that "maintains the act of ethnic cleansing that dispossessed the Palestinian refugees more than half a century ago."
The strongest legal basis on the issue is UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948. It states that, "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible." UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also the inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls for their return". Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem," however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of returnGlobal Policy Forum on Palestinians' right of returnRadley, K.René (1978): The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem," however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of return.Global Policy Forum on Palestinians' right of returnRadley, K.René (1978): The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 586-614.. Israeli settlements
The issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip have been described as an obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, by the international media;700 housing units to be built in W. 586-614. Many Israelis are open to compromise on the issue, by means such as the monetary reparations and family reunification initiatives offered by Ehud Barak at the Camp David 2000 summit. Others, however, are opposed. The most common arguments given for this opposition are:
The Israeli government asserts that the Arab refugee problem is largely due to the refusal of all Arab governments except Jordan to grant citizenship to Palestinian Arabs who reside within those countries' borders. This has produced much of the poverty and economic problems of the refugees, according to MFA documents. There were other much larger refugee problems after World War II which were eventually solved, while this one persisted. Israel Min of Foreign Affairs Q&A doc; Palestinian refugees issue MFA website, accessed 1/16/08. Concerning the origin of the Palestinian refugees, the official version of the Israeli government is that during the 1948 War the Arab Higher Committee and the Arab states encouraged Palestinians to flee in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state or that they did so to escape the fights by fear.Why did Palestinian Refugees flight ? on the official website of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs (retrieved 8 April 2008). The Palestinian narrative is that refugees were involuntarily expelled and dispossessed by Jewish militias and by the Israeli army, following a plan established even before the war.Nakba on electronic intifada website. Historians haven't solved this issue yet and still debate the causes of the 1948 Palestinian exodus. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world were ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them."ISRAEL and the Palestine right of return." World Association of International Studies. 8 April 2008. Although Israel accepts the right of the Palestinian Diaspora to return into a new Palestinian state, Israel insists that their return into the current state of Israel would be a great danger for the stability of the Jewish state; an influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel. Do Palestinian Refugees Have a Right to Return to Israel? by Ruth Lapidoth, MFA website, 1/15/01. (See section labeled "Conclusions." Erlanger, Steven. "Olmert Rejects Right of Return for Palestinians." The New York Times. 31 March 2007. 9 May 2008. Israeli settlements
In the years following the Six-Day War, and especially in the 1990s during the peace process, Israel re-established communities destroyed in 1929 and 1948 as well as established numerous new settlements on the West Bank. These settlements are now home to about 350,000 people. Most of the settlements are in the western parts of the West Bank, while others are deep into Palestinian territory, overlooking Palestinian cities. These settlements have been the site of much intercommunal conflict. Insistence by some Palestinians that all Jewish communities within the territories to be part of a Palestinian state be removed. This includes ancient communities (Hebron), communities destroyed in 1948 and since re-established (Gush Etzion), and settlements established since 1967. The Palestinian position on the Jews of the Old City of Jerusalem is unclear. The issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip have been described as an obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, by the international media;700 housing units to be built in W. Bank Jerusalem Post, 4 September 2006Obstacles to peace: Borders and settlements, BBC News, 25 May 2007
as well as the international political community (including the USState Department annual report. US-led international commission on BBC,
the UKSelect Committee on International Development in www.parliament.uk,
and the EU Interparliamentary European Security and Defence Assembly. US-led international commission on BBC,
the UKSelect Committee on International Development in www.parliament.uk,
and the EU Interparliamentary European Security and Defence Assembly. [http://www.bittyurl.com/?f59416). These actors have also called the settlements illegal under international law,Security Council. 49 speakers addresss Security Council. Summary record of the 16th meeting of the UN General Assembly. General Assembly Resolution A/RES/ES-10/7. Security Council Resolution 476 (1980)
however Israel disputes this.Israel confirms settlement growth, BBC, 21 March, 2005. Furthermore, the ICJ Study Guide to the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Israeli Wall Being Built in Palestine. Security Council Resolution 476 (1980)
furthermore, the International Court of Justice Study Guide to the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Israeli Wall Being Built in Palestine. Znet as well as
international and Israeli human rights organizationsThe Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions. A Human Rights Review on the EU and Israel. NGO Monitor consider the settlements illegal. Whilst several scholars and commentators disagree, citing recent historical trends to back up their argument, Six reasons to settle Yedioth Ahronoth 18 June 2005Bard, Mitchell G. However Israel disputes this;Israel confirms settlement growth, BBC, 21 March 2005. several scholars and commentators disagree, citing recent historical trends to back up their argument, Six reasons to settle Yedioth Ahronoth 18 June 2005Bard, Mitchell G. "Myths & Facts - Settlements." Jewish Virtual Library. 9 July 2007.Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. pp. 176-177 it has not changed the view of the international community and human rights organizations. As of 2006, 267,163 Israelis lived within the West Bank and East Jerusalem.Report: 12,400 new settlers in 2006. Tovah Lazaroff. Jerusalem Post. The establishment and expansion of these settlements in the West Bank and (at the time, the) Gaza Strip have been described as violations of the fourth Geneva Convention by the UN Security Council in several resolutions. The European Union EU Committee Report. and the General Assembly of the United Nations General Assembly 1998 vote consider the settlements to be illegal. Proponents of the settlements justify their legality using arguments based upon Article 2 and 49 of the fourth Geneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 242.Rostow, Eugene. Resolved: are the settlements legal? Israeli West Bank policies, The New Republic, October 21, 1991. Israeli West Bank policies, The New Republic, October 21 1991. On a practical level, some objections voiced by Palestinians are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, such as arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freely via local roads, owing to security considerations. In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, a proposal put forward by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was enacted. All Jewish residents in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and all residential buildings were demolished."Special Update: Disengagement - August 2005". Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israel retaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is based on a variety of considerations, such as: the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinian territorial claims, Remarks by Pres. Clinton, 1/7/01. (Full transcript available at: cnn transcript) Tony Blair press conference, 4/17/04, incl. comments on compromising on settlements, UK Foreign office, accessed 7/12/07
Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression, What Happened to Secure Borders for Israel?, by Dore Gold, jcpa.org and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement. comments on compromising on settlements, UK Foreign office, accessed 7/12/07
Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression, > What Happened to Secure Borders for Israel?, by Dore Gold, jcpa.org and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement. Diplomatic and Legal Aspects of the Settlement Issue, by Jeffrey Helmreich, Institute for Contemporary Affairs, jcpa.org, accessed 7/11/07. <p>
President George Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines, due to "new realities on the ground. President George Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines, due to "new realities on the ground. Israel 'to keep some settlements', BBC, 4/12/05. One of the main compromise plans put forth by the Clinton Administration would have allowed Israel to keep some settlements in the West Bank, especially those which were in large blocs near the pre-1967 borders of Israel. In return, Palestinians would have received some concessions of land in other parts of the country. Review of Dennis Ross book, BY RAY HANANIA, hanania.com, 8/16/04, accessed 7/11/07. Israeli security
Without the West Bank, Israel would be only nine miles across at its narrowest point, close to its greatest population center.http://focusonjerusalem.com/newsroom72.html Many fear that this would leave it vulnerable to any future attacks by an Arab alliance. Moreover, such an army would be fighting from the higher ground of the West Bank,http://www.grantjeffrey.com/article/rusisrl.htm and would find its invasion made easier, since it would not have to cross the Jordan River. Security
Without the West Bank, Israel would be only nine miles across at its narrowest point, close to its greatest population center.Focus On Jerusalem Newsroom Many fear that this would leave it vulnerable to any future attacks by an Arab alliance. Moreover, such an army would be fighting from the higher ground of the West Bank,Grant R. Jeffrey Ministries and would find its invasion made easier, since it would not have to cross the Jordan River. The threat of Qassam rockets fired from the Palestinian Territories into Israel is also of great concern. In 2006--the year following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip--the Israeli government recorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the total rockets fired in 2005. Many Israelis see this as evidence that greater Palestinian autonomy necessarily comes at the expense of Israel's ability to defend itself against threats from the Palestinian territories. Contrarily, many maintain that Israeli concessions will result in reduced friction between Israelis and Palestinians, and that this will in turn bring about a reduction of violence. The division of resources
Palestinians note, as one of their most central concerns, that their society must be given land and resources with enough contiguity to give them a viable society, and that they must therefore not be forced to give up too many resources to Israel, as this may cause economic collapse. Borders and international status
In the past Israel has demanded control over border crossings between the Palestinian territories and Jordan and Egypt, and the right to set the import and export controls, asserting that Israel and the Palestinian territories are a single economic space. Palestinians insist on contiguous territory which will in turn rupture the existing territorial contiguity of Israel. In the interim agreements reached as part of the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Authority has received control over cities (Area A) while the surrounding countryside has been placed under Israeli security and Palestinian civil administration (Area B) or complete Israeli control (Area C). Israel has built additional highways to allow Israelis to traverse the area without entering Palestinian cities. The initial areas under Palestinian Authority control are diverse and non-contiguous . The areas have changed over time because of subsequent negotiations, including Oslo II, Wye River and Sharm el-Sheik. According to Palestinians, the separated areas make it impossible to create a viable nation and fails to address Palestinian security needs; Israel has expressed no agreement to withdrawal from some Areas B, resulting in no reduction in the division of the Palestinian areas, and the institution of a safe pass system, without Israeli checkpoints, between these parts. Because of increased Palestinian violence to occupation this plan is in abeyance. The number of checkpoints has increased; resulting is more suicide bombings since the early summer of 2003. Neither side has publicized a proposal for a final map. (Some maps have been leaked. These, purporting to show Israeli proposals, are reputed to come from the Israelis and the Palestinians). The division of resources and Water
Palestinians note, as one of their most central concerns, that their society must be given land and resources with enough contiguity to give them a viable society, and that they must therefore not be forced to give up too many resources to Israel, as this may cause economic collapse. In the Middle East, water is a resource of great political concern. Since Israel receives much of its water from two large aquifers which are sprawled across Green Line, the use of this water has been contentious in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since some of the wells used to draw this water lie within the Palestinian Authority areas, there are many who question the legality of using their water for Israeli needs."Geography of Water Resources." Princeton University. http://www.wws.princeton.edu/wws401c/geography.html"What about water issues? Is Israel using Palestinian water?" Palestine Facts. http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_water.php"Does Israel Use 'Palestinian' Water?" Camera Backgrounder. July, 2001. http://world.std.com/~camera/docs/backg/water.html
But critics of this argument point out that even though Israel withdraws some water from these areas, it also supplies the West Bank with 40 MCMs--77% of its consumption. While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, it still consumes the vast majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of the water output of the Western Aquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. This water was drawn entirely on Israel's own side of the pre-1967 border. By 1999, these numbers had declined to 82% and 80%, respectively. Finally, Israel cites the Oslo II Accord. In this treaty, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources." In so doing, the Palestinian Authority established unequivocally the legality of Israeli water production in the West Bank. Moreover, Israel obligated itself in this agreement to provide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestinian drilling in the Eastern Aquifer. Many Palestinians counter that the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution, and that it was not intended to remain in effect more than a decade later. Indeed its name is "The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement."The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement - Annex I. Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. September 5, 1995. This agreement also established the right of the Palestinian Authority to explore and drill for natural gas, fuel and petroleum within its territory and territorial waters. It also delineated the major terms of conduct regarding regulations on the parties' facilities. House demolition in the occupied territories
A factor in the ongoing conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians is the demolition of homes in the areas conquered in the 1967 Six-Day War. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have demolished and continue to demolish Palestinian homes in the occupied territories. The reasons for these demolitions are a subject of heated dispute.Update to Amnesty International’s briefing to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Amnesty International, 1 February 2007. Israel justifies the demolition of Palestinian homes on the grounds of deterrence against alleged terrorists and their families and as a means of counter-terrorism and as self-defense to protect Israeli citizens.Yaacov Lozowick (2004): "Right to Exist: A Moral Defense of Israel's Wars" ISBN 1400032431. p.260"Israel limits house demolitions." BBC News 17 February 2005. 24 September 2007. Human Rights groups such as Amnesty International oppose the demolitions claiming they are in violation of international law, and accuse the Israelis of Collective punishment against innocent Palestinians and annexation of Palestinian land for the benefit of Israeli settlementsIsrael and the Occupied Territories Under the rubble: House demolition and destruction of land and property. Amnesty International, 18 May 2004.Through No Fault of Their Own: Israel's Punitive House Demolitions in the al-Aqsa Intifada. B'Tselem. Current status
The Oslo peace process obligated both sides to work towards a two-state solution, as noted above. Major issues of contention
A variety of concerns have become prominent issues between the two sides in regards to ongoing day-to-day interactions, and actions by either side towards the other. Incitement to violence and societal attitudes in Palestinian society
One key issue for Israelis is their concern that key Palestinian leaders have promoted incitement against and overall non-acceptance of Israel, including promotion of violence against Israel. Israelis have pointed to key statements by Palestinians in media, and community organizations which appear to promote violence towards and non-acceptance of Israel. Israel Foreign Ministry: Behind the Headlines: Hamas’ Mickey Mouse teaches children to hate and kill - Israeli Min of Foreign Affairs website, accessed 2/12/07. Palestinian Incitement of Suicide Bombings, 18 May 2001 MFA website. Collective punishment
Human rights organizations and Palestinians claim that some measures claimed by the Israeli Defense Forces to be for security actually constitute undue collective punishment. These include offensive military measures which Israel asserts are targeted at terrorist personnel and facilities, and the significant reduction of electricity to Gaza. In recent history, supporters of the Palestinians have used the term to label certain Israeli military actions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the Israeli policy of destroying homes of suicide bombers or terrorists responsible for Israeli deaths. Israel stopped using the practice, which dates from British Mandate times, in February 2005. The claim of collective punishment has also been extended to include Israel's extensive system of internal roadblocks and checkpoints in Palestinian land. Israel asserts these are needed to impede terrorist activities. Many humanitarian organizations have criticized Israel's blockage of Gaza that intensified in January 2008 as a form of collective punishment illegal under the Geneva Conventions to which Israel is a party. The organizations include Amnesty International, Save the Children, Cafod, Care International and Christian Aid.BBC News http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7280026.stm However, some argue the usage of the term "collective punishment" is only a "manipulation of the language of international law"NGO Monitor, False Claims of "Collective Punishment" in NGO Campaigns on Gaza, February 28 2008 and it has been dismissed by some legal experts Dr. Avi Bell, Is Israel Bound by International Law to Supply Utilities, Goods, and Services to Gaza?, JCPA, Vol. 7, No. 33, 28 February 2008Dr Michael I. Krauss, Collective Punishment and Newspeak, The American Thinker, February 24 2008 and commentators Bret Stephens, The Sderot Calculus, The Wall Street Journal, February 26 2008; Page A18. Debate on Gaza blockade
The Israeli Government's cut in the flow of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip has also been called collective punishment of the civilian population, which violates Israel’s obligations under the laws of war. Starting February 7 2008, the Israeli Government reduced the electricity it sells directly to Gaza. This follows the ruling of Israel’s High Court of Justice’s decision, which held, with respect to the amount of industrial fuel supplied to Gaza, that, “The clarification that we made indicates that the supply of industrial diesel fuel to the Gaza Strip in the winter months of last year was comparable to the amount that the Respondents now undertake to allow into the Gaza Strip. This fact also indicates that the amount is reasonable and sufficient to meet the vital humanitarian needs in the Gaza Strip.” The Jerusalem Post argued that Palestinians had killed two Israelis in the process of delivering fuel to the Nahal Oz fuel depot, which makes the arguments against the blockade lack credibility."Murder at the border." Jerusalem Post. 9 April 2008. 17 April 2008. With regard to Israel’s plan, the Court stated that, “calls for a reduction of five percent of the power supply in three of the ten power lines that supply electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip, to a level of 13.5 megawatts in two of the lines and 12.5 megawatts in the third line, we [the Court] were convinced that this reduction does not breach the humanitarian obligations imposed on the State of Israel in the framework of the armed conflict being waged between it and the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip. Our conclusion is based, in part, on the affidavit of the Respondents indicating that the relevant Palestinian officials stated that they can reduce the load in the event limitations are placed on the power lines, and that they had used this capability in the past."
In earlier times, during the British Mandate, the term "collective punishment" was freely used by the British government to refer to measures they took against Arabs when unknown Arabs attacked Jews, or against Jews when unknown Jews attacked Arabs during the British mandate over Palestine after 1919. In that era, it meant closure of shops, restriction of movement, and taxes or fines levied on towns as punishment. Supporters of Israel have argued that Palestinian violence against Israeli civilians constitutes collective punishment of Israelis for the actions of their government. Other Issues
Status of the occupied territories
Occupied Palestinian Territories is the term used by the UN to refer to the West Bank and Gaza Strip—territories which Israel conquered from Egypt and Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War—in the conflict.The question of Palestine and the United Nations, online booklet published by www.un.org The Israeli government uses the term Disputed Territories, to indicate its position that some territories cannot be called occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and there was no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel acquired them in June 1967. Israeli Settlements and International Law, Israel Foreign Ministry website, 5/4/01, accessed 12/18/07. (Scroll down to paragraph which begins "Politically, the West Bank and Gaza Strip is best regarded as...") "Occupied Territories" to "Disputed Territories" by Dore Gold, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, January 16 2002. Retrieved September 29 2005. The area is still referred to as Judea and Samaria by some Israeli groups, based on the historical regional names from ancient times. In 1980, Israel outright annexed East Jerusalem.Israel & the Palestinians: Key Maps British Broadcasting Corporation, April 10 2007 The United Nations rejected this annexation on August 20 of that year.United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 United Nations, 20 August 1980 Israel has never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "[t]ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" - the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See United Nations Security Council Resolution 242#Semantic dispute. It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewish settlements), and the entire Gaza Strip must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State. However, the precise borders of this state are in question. In 2000, for example, Ehud Barak offered Yasser Arafat an opportunity to establish an independent Palestinian State composed of the entire Gaza Strip and 92% of the West Bank. Due to security restrictions, and Barak's opposition to a broad right of return, Arafat refused this proposal.Israel’s Quest for Peace
Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel says it is justified in not ceding all this land, due to security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion.Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 121-147. Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be. Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, insist that Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel proper. For this reason, Hamas views the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable".Sela, Avraham. "Hamas." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 335-342."The PLO's agreement to support the participation of a Palestinian delegation from the West Bank and Gaza Strip in the Madrid Peace Conferences in late October 1991 further fueled the tension between Fatah and Hamas, which embarked on an intensive campaign against the very idea of territorial compromise and peacemaking with the Jews, as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable" (339). Mutual recognition
The Oslo peace process was based upon Israel ceding authority to the Palestinians to run their own political and economic affairs. In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people.Details of the Oslo Accords Despite Yasser Arafat's official renunciation of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity. Simultaneously, at the time of Hamas's victory in the 2006, polls indicated that 66% of Palestinians supported mutual recognition and a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict. Palestinians state that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. Many feel that their own opposition to Israel was justified by Israel's apparent stifling of any genuine Palestinian political and economic development.Israeli Settlements on Occupied Palestinian Territories
It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist. One of Israel's major reservations in regards to granting Palestinian sovereignty is its concern that there is not genuine public support by Palestinians for co-existence and elimination of terrorism and incitement. Israel Foreign Ministry: Behind the Headlines: Hamas’ incitement - Israeli Min of Foreign Affairs website, accessed 2/12/07. Palestinian Incitement of Suicide Bombings, 18 May 2001 MFA website. Some Palestinian groups, notably Fatah, a political party founded by PLO leaders, claim they are willing to foster co-existence if Palestinians are steadily given more political rights and autonomy. In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, where it remains the majority party. While Hamas has openly stated in the past that it completely opposed Israel's right to exist, and its charter states this, Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. p. 3. "Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah & Hamas", BBC News, May 25, 2006. there is evidence that its position may have softened recently. Climbdown as Hamas agrees to Israeli state, The Guardian, June 22, 2006Hamas Officials Already Recognize Israel's Right to Exist, Apparently CommonDreams.org, May 31, 2006 However, Israel contends that Hamas has refused to recognize Israel in any valid way, and that it supported recent rocket attacks on Israel. Palestinian PM Haniyeh: Recognition of Israel is out of the question, 3 Jun 2007, Israeli Min of Foreign Affairs website, accessed 1/17/07. Terror in Gaza: Eight months since the Hamas takeover,Israel Min. of Foreign Affairs, 14 Feb 2008. Israel cites past concessions, such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August, 2005, which did not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel, as an example of the Palestinian people not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namely B'Tselem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli government still retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israeli control. Practically, they also point out that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the Gaza Strip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal. Furthermore, given that the Israeli army has run incursions into the Gaza Strip on various occasions, closed off its borders, and placed an embargo on the region, the Gazan economy has since gone into free fall. This has led and continues to result in warnings of the Palestinian population becoming more radicalized unless conditions improve. Many significant Palestinian terrorist groups refuse to recognize Israel's existence, based on their belief that Israel has repeatedly taken Palestinian resources and violated their perceived rights. Based on this, they seek to destroy Israel at some point in the future. In response, some Israeli groups and individuals oppose any territorial or political concessions to Palestinians. Government
The Palestinian Authority is considered corrupt by a wide variety of sources, including by some Palestinians themselves.Sela, Avraham. "Palestinian Authority." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 673-679.Bard, Mitchell G. Will Israel Survive? New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.Massad, Joseph. "The (Anti-) Palestinian Authority." Al=Ahram Weekly. 15-21 June 2006. 8 May 2008. Some Israelis argue that it provides tacit support for extremists via its relationship with Hamas and other Islamic terrorist movements, and that therefore it is unsuitable for governing any putative Palestinian state or (especially according to the right wing of Israeli politics), even negotiating about the character of such a state. Because of that, a number of organizations, including the previously ruling Likud party, declared they would not accept a Palestinian state based on the current PA. (Likud's former leader Ariel Sharon, publicly declared that he rejected this position as too radical). A PA Cabinet minister, Saeb Erekat, declared this indicates that Israel is seeking to maintain its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Wash Times, 5/13/02. Israel has not recognised a Palestinian state, and has carried out extrajudicial killings of suspects within the West Bank and Gaza whom it claims have planned and led terrorist attacks within Israel. Some international observers have recommended that negotiations proceed anyway, claiming that internal Palestinian reform can be undertaken if negotiations make progress. Airspace
The West Bank and Israel form a strip only up to 80 kilometers wide. Israel has insisted on complete Israeli control of the airspace above the West Bank and Gaza as well as that above Israel itself. A Palestinian compromise of joint control over the combined airspace has been rejected by Israel. Palestinian army
The Israeli Cabinet issued a statement"Israeli Cabinet Statement on Road Map and 14 Reservations." Jewish Virtual Library. 8 April 2008. expressing that does not wish the Palestinians to build up an army capable of offensive operations, considering that the only party against which such an army could be turned in the near future is Israel itself. However, Israel has already allowed for the creation of a Palestinian police that can not only conduct police operations, but also carry out limited-scale warfare. Palestinians have argued that the IDF, a large and modern armed force, poses a direct and pressing threat to the sovereignty of any future Palestinian state, making a defensive force for a Palestinian state a matter of necessity. To this, Israelis claim that signing a treaty while building an army is a show of bad intentions. Current status
The Oslo peace process obligated both sides to work towards a two-state solution, as noted above. However, during the process itself, there were numerous acts of violence by both sides. Israelis claimed they were acting only in response to Palestinian acts of terrorism. Palestinians claimed they were only carrying out legitimate resistance, against numerous violations by Israel of Palestinian rights, and political sovereignty. In addition, during this process, both sides expressed dissatisfaction and grievances with the other side. The main Israeli allegation was that Palestinians were actively inciting and funding terrorism against Israel. The main Palestinian complaint was that Israel was repeatedly violating Palestinian rights, which made it pointless to attempt to persuade ordinary Palestinians to accept Israel. In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, prompting the United States and many European countries to cut off all funds to the Palestinian Authority. The US cited three conditions that the Palestinian government would need to satisfy for a resumption of aid: an end to violence, recognition of Israel, and adherence to the Road Map for Peace. Palestinian critics stated that the US and Israel themselves complied with none of these conditions, and that Israel's support of the Road Map was accompanied by 14 reservations which, they say, drain it of its substance. Furthermore, they assert that Israeli violence against Palestinians continues without discussion. Israel states that its recent military operations are in response to Hamas's frequent rocket attacks from Gaza into Sderot, and on other Israeli cities. In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to unite their respective parties, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia and reached agreement to unite their respective parties. In March 2007, Fatah and Hamas took office under a new unity coalition government. There remained much debate as to whether the PNA was now a credible negotiating authority, and whether sanctions should be lifted. When the Fatah-Hamas coalition collapsed, and the two parties engaged in a physical conflict, the debate changed to whether the newly separated Fatah was a credible negotiating partner. In June 2007 Hamas militarily defeated Fatah in the Gaza Strip in response to attacks which critics of Fatah said were an overthrow and possible coup attempt funded and assisted by the United States, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, engineered by US National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy Elliott Abrams and executed by Fatah militants, led by Mohammed Dalan. The various forces affiliated with Fatah engaged in combat with Hamas, in numerous gun battles. Most Fatah leaders escaped to Egypt and the West Bank, and some were captured and killed. When the Fatah-Hamas coalition collapsed and armed conflict ensued, the debate changed to whether the newly separated Fatah was a credible negotiating partner. In June 2007, Hamas militarily defeated Fatah in the Gaza Strip in response to attacks. Critics said Fatah had attempted an overthrow and possible coup, funded and assisted by the United States, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, engineered by US National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy Elliott Abrams, led by Mohammed Dalan. Various forces affiliated with Fatah engaged in combat with Hamas, in numerous gun battles. Most Fatah leaders escaped to Egypt and the West Bank, while some were captured and killed. Fatah remained in control of the West Bank, and President Abbas formed a new governing coalition, which some critics of Fatah said subverts the Palestinian Constitution and excludes the majority government of Hamas. The current policy of Israel, the United States, and several allied governments, is to censure Hamas for its non-recognition of Israel, and to assist and deal with President Abbas and Fatah, in support of their stance in favor of recognition of Israel. In line with their policies, Israel, the United States, and several allied governments, have censured Hamas for its non-recognition of Israel. They have also assisted President Abbas and Fatah, who hold stances in favor of recognition of Israel. It is the position of the UN, the International Criminal Court, and a vast majority of the international community that Israel and the Palestinians should come to a peaceful resolution based on international laws, UN Resolutions, reciprocal recognition of self-determination and human rights. Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties
One State Solution
Paris Peace Conference, 1919
Faisal-Weizmann Agreement (1919)
1949 Armistice Agreements
Camp David Accords (1978)
Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979)
Madrid Conference of 1991
Oslo Accords (1993)
Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994)
Camp David 2000 Summit
History of the Arab-Israeli conflict
Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs
List of Middle East peace proposals
International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict
See also
Geography
Palestine
Geography of Israel
Israeli Settlements
General background and information
History of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Ideology and ideas
Criticism of religion
Islamism
Jewish state
Pan-Arabism
Proposals for a Palestinian state
Zionism
Elements of the conflict
Children and minors in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Child suicide bombers in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Palestinian political violence
Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Peace organizations in the region
OneVoice Movement (non-partisan)
Peace Now (left wing)
Seeds of Peace (neutral)
Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (left wing)
Documentaries
At the Green Line
Death In Gaza
Occupation 101PromisesRelentless: The Struggle for Peace in the Middle EastThe Land of the Settlers...more films
References
Further reading
General History
Bregman, Ahron (2002). Israel's Wars: A History Since 1947. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-28716-2
Bregman, Ahron Elusive Peace: How the Holy Land Defeated America. Bard, Mitchell. The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict. 2nd ed. (Alpha, 2002), ISBN 0-02-864410-7
Bickerton, Ian J. and Carla L. Klausner. A Concise History of the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 4th ed. (Prentice Hall, 2001), ISBN 0-13-090303-5
Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. The Palestine-Israeli Conflict: A Beginner's Guide (Oneworld Publications, 2003), ISBN 1-85168-332-1
David, Ron. Arabs & Israel for Beginners (Writers and Readers Publishing, Inc. 1996), ISBN 0-86316-161-8
Dowty, Alan. Israel/Palestine (Polity, 2005), ISBN 0-7456-3202-5
Fraser, T. G. The Arab–Israeli Conflict. 2nd ed. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), ISBN 1-4039-1338-2
Gelvin, James L. The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 0521618045
Harms, Gregory with Todd M. Ferry. The Palestine-Israel Conflict: A Basic Introduction (Pluto Press, 2005), ISBN 0-7453-2378-2
Hirst, David. The Gun and the Olive Branch. 3rd ed. (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-483-1
Hurewitz, J. C. The Struggle for Palestine (Shocken Books, 1976), [out of print]
Khouri, Fred J. The Arab–Israeli Dilemma. 3rd ed. (Syracuse University Press, 1985), ISBN 0-8156-2340-2
Morris, Benny. Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist–Arab Conflict, 1881–2001 (Vintage Books, 2001), ISBN 0-679-74475-4
Mandel, Neville J. The Arabs and Zionism Before World War I (University of California Press, 1976), [out of print]
Roraback, Amanda. Palestine in a Nutshell or Israel in a Nutshell (Enisen Publishing, 2004), ISBN 0-9702908-4-5
Safran, Nadav. Israel: The Embattled Ally (The Belknap Press, Harvard, 1978), [out of print]
Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121. Smith, Charles D. Palestine and the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 5th ed. (Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2004), ISBN 0-312-40408-5
Sykes, Christopher. Crossroads to Israel (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1965), [out of print]
Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4
Thomas, Baylis. How Israel Was Won (Lexington Books, 1999), ISBN 0-7391-0064-5
Wasserstein, Bernard. Israelis and Palestinians (Yale University Press, 2003), ISBN 0-300-10172-4
Analytical / Focused
Carey, Roane, ed. The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid (Verso, 2001), ISBN 1-85984-377-8
Chomsky, Noam. The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians. Rev. ed. (South End Press, 1999), ISBN 0-89608-187-7. Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel (John Wiley & Sons, 2004), ISBN 0-471-67952-6
Enderlin, Charles. Shattered Dreams: The Failure of the Peace Process in the Middle East, 1995-2002 (Other Press, 2003), ISBN 1-59051-060-7
Falk, Avner Fratricide in the Holy Land: A Psychoanalytic View of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. University of Wisconsin Press, 2004, ISBN 0-299-20250-X
Finkelstein, Norman. Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict. 2nd ed. (Verso, 2003), ISBN 1-85984-442-1 2nd ed. introduction
Flapan, Simha. The Birth of Israel: Myth and Realities (Pantheon Books, 1987),[out of print]
Flapan, Simha. Zionism and the Palestinians (Croom Helm, 1979), [out of print]
Green, Stephen. Taking Sides: America's Secret Relations with a Militant Israel (William Morrow and Co., Inc., 1984), [out of print]
Maniscalco, Fabio. Protection, conservation and valorisation of Palestinian Cultural Patrimony (Massa Publisher, 2005), ISBN 88-87835-62-4
Martin, Dom. COEXISTENCE: Humanity's Wailing Wall TransGalactic Publications, 2006, ISBN 0-9616078-8-2
Pappe, Ilan, ed. The Israel/Palestine Question (Routledge, 1999), ISBN 0-415-16948-8
Pearlman, Wendy. Occupied Voices: Stories of Everyday Life from the Second Intifada (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-530-7
Quandt, William B. Peace Process. 3rd ed. (Brookings Institution Press, 2005), ISBN 0-520-24631-4
Reinhart, Tanya. Israel/Palestine: How to End the War of 1948 (Seven Stories Press, 2002), ISBN 1-58322-538-2
Ross, Dennis. The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), ISBN 0-374-19973-6
Safran, Nadav. The United States and Israel, ISBN 0-674-92490-8 [out of print]
Said, Edward W. The Question of Palestine (Vintage Books, 1992), ISBN 0-679-73988-2
Salinas, Moises. Planting Hatred, Sowing Pain: The Psychology of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Greenwood-Praeger Publishers, 2007), ISBN 0-275-99005-2
Selby, Jan (2003). Water, Power and Politics in the Middle East: The Other Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 1860649343
Shipler, David K. Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land. Rev. ed. (Penguin Books, 2002), ISBN 0-14-200229-1
Swisher, Clayton E. The Truth About Camp David (Nation Books, 2004), ISBN 1-56025-623-0
Tilley, Virginia. The One-State Solution'', (University of Michigan Press, May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138
Peace proposals
A Comparison Of Three Drafts For An Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement
External links
Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)
Plan of Israeli—Palestinian Resolution. In May 2008, Tony Blair announced a new plan for peace and for Palestinian rights, based heavily on the ideas of the Peace Valley plan. Israel may ease grip in Tony Blair deal to revive West Bank, The Times May 14, 2008
Casualties
The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for the occupied Palestinian territory (OCHoPT) was established in late 2000 by the United Nations as a response to the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the West Bank and Gaza caused by military incursions and closuresAbout OCHA (See also: Second Intifada). The office monitors the conflict and presents figures relating to both internal-violence and direct conflict clashes. + Casualty figures for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the OCHAoPtThe Humanitarian Monitor, December 2007, tables on pages 5 and 7, all numbers refer to casualties of the direct conflict as defined therein (page 23).(numbers in brackets represent casualties under the age of 18) Year Deaths Injuries Palestinians Israelis Palestinians Israelis 2005 216 (52) 48 (6) 1260 (129) 484 (4) 2006 678 (127) 25 (2) 3194 (470) 377 (7) 2007 396 (43) 13 (0) 1843 (265) 322 (3) Total 1290 (222) 86 (8) 6297 (864) 1183 (14)
All numbers refer to casualties of direct conflict between Israelis and Palestinians including in IDF military operations, artillery shelling, search and arrest campaigns, Barrier demonstrations, targeted killings, settler violence etc. The figures do not include events indirectly related to the conflict such as casualties from unexploded ordnance, etc. or events when the circumstances remain unclear or are in dispute. The figures include all reported casualties of all ages and both genders. B'Tselem, an Israeli non-governmental organization (NGO), also maintains comprehensive statistics on the conflict for both the First Intifada and the Second Intifada:
+ Casualty figures for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from B'Tselem for the period from 09.12.1987 to 29.9.2000 (First Intifada)Data tabulated from B'Tselem - Statistics - Fatalities in the first Intifada(numbers in brackets represent casualties under the age of 18) Year Deaths Palestinians IsraelisDec 9-31 1987 22 (5) 0 (0)1988 310 (50) 12 (3)1989 305 (83) 31 (1)1990 145 (25) 22 (0)1991 104 (27) 19 (0)1992 138 (23) 34 (1)1993-13.9.93 138 (37) 42 (0)14.9.93-31.12.93 42 (4) 19 (0)1994 152 (24) 74 (2)1995 45 (5) 46 (0)1996 74 (11) 75 (8)1997 21 (5) 29 (3)1998 28 (3) 12 (0)1999 9 (0) 4 (0)2000 until 28.9 16 (2) 2 (0) Total 1549 (304) 421 (18)
+ Casualty figures for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from B'Tselem for the period as of 29.9.2000 (Second Intifada)Data tabulated from B'Tselem Statistics, Fatalities, Note that the data may change due to ongoing research, which produces new information about the events.(numbers in brackets represent casualties under the age of 18) Year Deaths Palestinians Israelis 2000 (as of 29.09.2000) 279 (83) 41 (0) 2001 469 (82) 191 (36) 2002 1032 (157) 421 (47) 2003 588 (119) 185 (21) 2004 828 (179) 108 (8) Total 3196 (620) 946 (112)
Figures include both Israeli civilians and security forces and casualties in both the Occupied Territories and Israel. + Casualty figures for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the 1936-1939 Great Arab Revolt Source Cited by Deaths Palestinians Israelis Arnon-Ohana, 1982, 140 Morris, Righteous Victims p 159. 4,500 (killed by other Arabs) Various Morris, Righteous Victims p 159. 3,000 to 6,000 several hundred
Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties
One State Solution
Paris Peace Conference, 1919
Faisal-Weizmann Agreement (1919)
1949 Armistice Agreements
Camp David Accords (1978)
Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979)
Madrid Conference of 1991
Oslo Accords (1993)
Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994)
Camp David 2000 Summit
History of the Arab-Israeli conflict
Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs
List of Middle East peace proposals
International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict
See also
Geography
Palestine
Geography of Israel
Israeli Settlements
General background and information
History of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Ideology and ideas
Criticism of religion
Islamism
Jewish state
Pan-Arabism
Proposals for a Palestinian state
Zionism
Elements of the conflict
Children and minors in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Child suicide bombers in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Palestinian political violence
Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Peace organizations in the region
OneVoice Movement (non-partisan)
Peace Now (left wing)
Seeds of Peace (neutral)
Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (left wing)
Documentaries
At the Green Line
Death In Gaza
Occupation 101PromisesRelentless: The Struggle for Peace in the Middle EastThe Land of the Settlers''
...more films
References
Further reading
External links
Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)
Plan of Israeli—Palestinian Resolution. A Conclusive Arrangement. Israeli-Palestinian ProCon.org Pros and Cons of hundreds of issues related to the conflict. Global Politician - Middle-East Section
Middle East Policy Council
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Aix Group - Joint Palestinian-Israeli-international economic working group. The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict--An overview of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians from 1948 through the present day. From the History Guy Website. The Media Line - A non-profit news agency which provides credible, unbiased content, background and context from across the Middle East. Inter Press Service - Israel-Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War Independent coverage of the Middle East conflicts
Conflict resolution groups
OneVoice Movement - One Million Voices to End the Conflict
Human rights groups
Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine
B'Tselem - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories
Al-Haq: Palestinian Human Rights Group: West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights: Gaza affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists
Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites
Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel The Jewish History Resource Center, Project of the Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
MidEastWeb.org
A Timeline of Israeli-Palestinian history and the conflict
A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Current breakdown of fatalities in conflict - Institute for Counter-Terrorism
Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Jerusalem
Pro-Israel advocacy and watchdog sites
Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs Palestinian Violence and Terrorism
Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America
Palestine Facts
Eretz Yisroel: A comprehensive collection of news, articles and book excerpts
Jewish Virtual Library
Palestinian Maps Omitting Israel and Maps of "Palestine" as a means to instill fundamentally negative messages regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Myths and facts online: a guide to the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Honest Reporting UK monitoring mideast media
Gamla shall not fall again
NAAMZ, Revisionist Zionist group
True Peace - Chabad-Lubavitch site
Pro-Palestinian advocacy and watchdog sites
UN Security Council Resolutions Against Israel 1955-1992
International Solidarity Movement; includes an extensive collection of links to its affiliates and to other similar organizations
Palestine Solidarity Campaign UK
Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign
Palestinian Campaign for the Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel
Palestine Media Watch
Electronic Intifada
Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites
The Other Israel, newsletter of the Israeli peace movement since 1983
http://israelipalestinianpeace.org The Other Israel, online archive under construction]
"Barak's Generous offer" from Gush Shalom. Inter Press Service - Israel-Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War Independent coverage of the Middle East conflicts
Conflict resolution groups
OneVoice Movement - One Million Voices to End the Conflict
Seeking Common Ground
Human rights groups
Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine
B'Tselem - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories
Al-Haq: Palestinian Human Rights Group: West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights: Gaza affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists
Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites
Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel The Jewish History Resource Center, Project of the Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
MidEastWeb.org
A Timeline of Israeli-Palestinian history and the conflict
A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Current breakdown of fatalities in conflict - Institute for Counter-Terrorism
Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Jerusalem
Pro-Israel advocacy and watchdog sites
Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs Palestinian Violence and Terrorism
Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America
Palestine Facts
Eretz Yisroel: A comprehensive collection of news, articles and book excerpts
Jewish Virtual Library
Palestinian Maps Omitting Israel and Maps of "Palestine" as a means to instill fundamentally negative messages regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Myths and facts online: a guide to the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Honest Reporting UK monitoring mideast media
Gamla shall not fall again
NAAMZ, Revisionist Zionist group
True Peace - Chabad-Lubavitch site
Pro-Palestinian advocacy and watchdog sites
UN Security Council Resolutions Against Israel 1955-1992
Palestine Solidarity Campaign UK
Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign
Palestinian Campaign for the Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel
Palestine Media Watch
Electronic Intifada
Palestine Solidarity Project Palestinian grassroots organizing and reporting. Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites
The Other Israel, newsletter of the Israeli peace movement since 1983
http://israelipalestinianpeace.org The Other Israel, online archive under construction]
"Barak's Generous offer" from Gush Shalom. Macromedia Flash version
The Origin of the Palestine - Israel Conflict, Published by Jews for Justice in the Middle East
Background to the Israel-Palestine Crisis--Q & A format overview by Stephen Shalom, who teaches political science at William Paterson University in New Jersey. Occupation Magazine
Other sites:
century-intifada-israel-palestine-aufheben Behind the 21st Century Intifada - an analysis of Israel/Palestine - a leftist, working-class history of the conflict
axisglobe.com a Russian perspective site
Arabs and Israelis held hostage by a common enemy Salom Now! And METalks are two experimental initiatives which sought to rewrite the script of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, such popular, grassroots action is held hostage by some common enemies: despair, hatred, antipathy and distrust. (Jan, 2007)
Exchange of friendly fire Anat el-Hashahar, an Israeli and founder of METalks, debates the Arab-Israeli conflict – from Oslo to Lebanon – with Khaled Diab, an Egyptian journalist and writer. ar:قضية فلسطينية
de:Nahostkonflikt
es:Conflicto árabe-israelí
fr:Conflit israélo-palestinien
id:Konflik Israel-Palestina
it:Conflitto Israelo-Palestinese
he:הסכסוך הישראלי פלסטיני
ja:パレスチナ問題
pt:Conflito israelo-palestino
sv:Israel-Palestina-konflikten
zh:以巴冲突
Category:Guerrilla wars Website with information (articles, reports, maps, books, links, ...) on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Peace proposals
A Comparison Of Three Drafts For An Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement
ar:قضية فلسطينية
de:Nahostkonflikt
es:Conflicto árabe-israelí
fr:Conflit israélo-palestinien
id:Konflik Israel-Palestina
it:Conflitto Israelo-Palestinese
he:הסכסוך הישראלי פלסטיני
kr:korean
ja:パレスチナ問題
pt:Conflito israelo-palestino
sv:Israel-Palestina-konflikten
zh:以巴冲突
Highlight colors show which account likely added that new text: Mitsuhirato Sm8900 Jorditxei Mpatel